Foreign direct investment in high-risk environments: an historical perspective

Since the banking crisis of 2008 the global economy is perceived as riskier than before. Firms that cannot manage risks have withdrawn from countries in which they previously invested. These problems are not new. For centuries firms have invested in risky foreign environments, and many of them have succeeded. This paper reviews the risk management strategies of foreign investors. Using archival evidence and secondary sources it distinguishes the different types of risks that investors face and the different strategies by which risks can be managed. It investigates which strategies are used to manage which types of risk.

Unwritten law in Hobbesian political thought

In Hobbesian terminology, ‘unwritten laws’ are natural laws enforced within a polity, by a non-sovereign judge, without some previous public promulgation. This article discusses the idea in the light of successive Hobbesian accounts of ‘law’ and ‘obligation’. Between De Cive and Leviathan, Hobbes dropped the idea that natural law is strictly speaking law, but he continued to believe unwritten laws must form a part of any legal system. He was unable to explain how such a law could claim a legal status. His loyalty to the notion, in spite of all the trouble that it caused, is a sign of his belief that moral knowledge is readily accessible to all.

‘Due libertie and proportiond equalitie’: Milton, democracy, and the republican tradition

John Milton’s political thought has been interpreted in strikingly divergent ways. This article argues that he should be seen as a classical republican, and locates key aspects of his political thought within an ancient Greek discourse critical of democracy or extreme democracy. Milton was clearly familiar with the ancient texts expounding this critique, and he himself deployed both the arguments and the characteristic discourse of the anti-democratic thinkers across the span of his writing. This vision of politics emphasized the rightly-ordered soul of the masculine republican citizen, in contrast to the unruly passions seen both in tyrants and in the democratic rabble.

Framing evidence: policy design for the zero carbon home

In 2006 the UK government announced a move to zero carbon homes by 2016. The demand posed a major challenge to policy makers and construction professionals entailing a protracted process of policy design. The task of giving content to this target is used to explore the role of evidence in the policy process. Whereas much literature on policy and evidence treats evidence as an external input, independent of politics, this paper explores the ongoing mutual constitution of both. Drawing on theories of policy framing and the sociology of classification, the account follows the story of a policy for Zero Carbon Homes from the parameters and values used to specify the target. Particular attention is given to the role of Regulatory Impact Assessments (RIAs) and to the creation of a new policy venue, the Zero Carbon Hub. The analysis underlines the way in which the choices about how to model and measure the aims potentially transforms them, the importance of policy venues for transparency and the role of RIAs in the authorization of particular definitions. A more transparent, open approach to policy formulation is needed in which the framing of evidence is recognized as an integral part of the policy process.

Parliamentary sovereignty, popular sovereignty, and Henry Parker's adjudicative standpoint

Discussions of popular sovereignty in early modern England have usually been premised upon a sharp distinction between ‘legal/constitutional’ forms of discourse (which merely interpret the law) and ‘political’ ones (which focus upon the right to make it). In such readings of the period, Henry Parker has a pivotal position as a writer who abandoned merely legalistic thinking. This chapter takes a different view. It argues that Parker’s major intellectual achievement was not so much to abandon legal/constitutional discourse as to offer a theorisation of its most distinctive features: he offered an account of a new kind of politics in which concern for ‘interests’ in property and in self-preservation replaced humanist concern with promotion of virtue. Parker drew upon ideas about representation best expressed by Sir Thomas Smith and ideas about law best expressed by Oliver St John. The theory he developed was not intended as a justification of legislative sovereignty, but of adjudicative supremacy. His picture of the two Houses as supreme adjudicators was meant to block the path to direct democracy. But the adjudicative standpoint they came to occupy presupposed that freeborn adults had ‘interests’ in life, liberty, and possessions. This had democratising implications.

Biopolitik, civilsamfund og ’politisk eskatologi’ : Foucaults mistillid over for befolkningens indre kræfter

Biopolitics, Civil Society and Political Eschatology: Foucault’s distrust in the population’s inherent forces Michel Foucault’s scepticism toward discourses on the organic vitality of populations is not only explainable by his attention to the dark ‘underside of biopolitics – the risks of persecution of individuals, who threaten the population’s vitality from the inside. Moreover, it should be understood in light of Foucault’s acute sensitivity to the deep-seated, conflict-ridden nature of the population in terms of its inherent potential for cultural clashes, violent struggles, suspicions, hatred, or, in short, the perpetual conflicts of civil society. Foucault’s work led him to a position of ambiguous support for the state and to a more evident distrust in the forces of the population. He used the term “political eschatologies” about antipolitical visions that pronounce the end of politics in a final accord where social contradictions dissolve and the community will prevail over the state. Foucault played on the religious significations of the term, especially in regard to the religious, fanatic rejection of the duality between state and civil society, a rejection that rests on the belief in a completion of historical and political time and the final salvation of all in “the city of God”. The article demonstrates Foucault’s highly ambiguous view of civil society, it examines his discussion Ferguson’s work on civil society, and it considers Foucault’s use of the term “political eschatologies” to indicate the dangers of extreme, anti-state, political movements. It challenges the image of Foucault as an unequivocal proponent of grass roots and identity politics.  

Hårda nypor för ett mjukt samhälle? : Om medialisering och rasifiering i utspelspolitikens Sverige

Toughness for a soft society? On medialisation, racialisation and the politics of spin in Sweden In recent years, issues concerning the future of “multicultural Sweden” have become a salient feature in Swedish politics. One important actor in recent years’ debates about the problems confronting “multicultural Sweden” is the Swedish Liberal Party. Since the general election of 2002, the party has gained both publicity and electoral support by focusing the question of “integration of immigrants” in terms of assimilation and intensified demands aimed at the “immigrant Others”. In this article, the party’s recent developments in the area of integration policy is analysed within the framework of two general processes in contemporary politics, the politics of racialisation and the medialisation of politics. The party’s successful interventions in the area of integration policy are built on an intimate as well as complex interplay between racialisation and medialisation. The agenda articulated by the party, further, has several similarities with the agenda of “authoritarian populist” movements throughout Europe.

Vår bästa tid är nu? : Om tidsuppfattning och politisk självförståelse

Our best time is now? On conception of time and political self-understanding This study regards time as a horizon for action and argues that conception of time has great implication for political self-understanding. In the study, the modern conception of time, with its orientation towards the future, is contrasted with the late modern conception of time, which is characterized by a de-legitimization of utopian thinking and by an orientation towards the present. Political action is changing, from a transformation of the present into the future, to a management of the present. In this situation the future is not perceived as something qualitatively different than present, but is, as Helga Nowotny puts it, reduced to an ‘extended present’. Or, to speak with Luhmann, the future is a ‘present future’ where only one ‘future present’ is conceivable. The future is in that sense increasingly closed. The paper argues that the current pragmatization of politics is partly due to changes in temporal representations, and suggests that more attention should be given to temporal semantics in political analysis.

O modelo econômico brasileiro dos anos 90

A crise brasileira dos anos 80 encerrou o ciclo desenvolvimentista, que prevaleceu no país por mais de 30 anos, e abriu as portas para uma série de *transformações importantes na economia brasileira. Nos anos 90 iniciou-se a reforma do Estado e a liberalização comercial e financeira, que seria ampliada e consolidada com o Plano Real. O objetivo deste trabalho é avaliar a natureza e a magnitude dessas transformações na política econômica brasileira, verificando em que medida elas lançam as bases para um novo modelo econômico no Brasil. Até que ponto a turbulência financeira internacional e a crise cambial de 1998/99 comprometeram esse modelo? Quais são as conseqüências do abandono da âncora cambial e a adoção do ajuste imposto pelo FMI?

Ajuste macroeconômico e empréstimos externos no Brasil, 1995-2004

O presente estudo analisa a o impacto das restrições macroeconômicas, que emergiram no bojo da crise cambial de 1999, sobre a contratação de empréstimos externos pelo governo brasileiro junto às agências multilaterais de crédito, entre 1995-2004. A idéia básica é que a estratégia de equacionamento da crise externa teve reflexos diretos sobre o comportamento dos empréstimos contratados junto aos Multilateral Development Banks. Mais especificamente, o conjunto de políticas adotadas pelo governo brasileiro acabou promovendo tanto uma mudança na natureza como uma substancial redução na contratação de empréstimos principalmente junto ao Banco Mundial e ao Banco Inter americano de Desenvolvimento. Em decorrência, a estratégia de ajuste adotada, apesar do seu mérito, acabou privando o governo brasileiro de uma fonte barata de recursos e comprometendo o investimento do setor público.

O caráter doutrinário de Universidades Corporativas

This research had the objective to verify if the Corporative Universities have a doctrinal character and why. In order to make the identification and analysis possible, field and bibliographic researches have been used. The bibliographical survey allowed to conclude that university is not the adequate and correct term to identify the Corporative "University", as an university does not only concern teaching. Regarding research, the investigation seeks the truth, what rarely occurs in Corporate Universities. Besides this, the bibliographical survey furnished information about organizational control and indoctrination that are important to the analysis of the Corporative Universities. While the market needs more critical, creative and enterprising individuals, the Corporative Universities limit the freedom of the thought. The field research is based on the studies of Reboul (1980) and Snook (1974), providing data that made the identification of politics and practices of the researched Corporate University possible, giving them doctrinal characteristics, which are opposed to those of education, but in a reduced degree, as compared with the respondent of the research. This circumstance harmed in a certain way initial supposition of the study, but at its end roused other suppositions as well.

Formação de agenda e processo decisório nos governos FHC e Lula: uma análise sobre a dinâmica e as oportunidades de negociação no processo de tomada de decisão do setor elétrico

O objetivo principal desta tese é analisar as particularidades de dois processos decisórios relacionados a políticas públicas do governo federal brasileiro, a saber, a formação de agenda e as escolhas de alternativas. Tais particularidades do processo decisório caracterizam-se por limitar, em um primeiro momento, o leque de temas que potencialmente poderiam ocupar um lugar de destaque frente aos governantes e, em seguida, por selecionar as alternativas viáveis de serem implementadas pelo poder público. Dessa maneira, serão objetos desta tese a compreensão do por que apenas determinados temas fazem parte da agenda de um governo e qual o grau de influência dos atores sociopolíticos sobre o processo de escolha de alternativas, de tal forma que algumas são seriamente consideradas enquanto outras são negligenciadas. Para analisar as particularidades dos processos decisórios foram feitas análises sobre dois casos do setor elétrico: a expansão da geração de energia elétrica durante o período que antecedeu a crise de 2001 e a criação de um novo modelo para o setor, nos anos de 2003 e 2004. Esta tese traz como hipótese que aspectos centrais de uma política não são alterados enquanto a coalizão dominante que a instituiu estiver no poder ¿ ainda que aspectos secundários possam vir a ser alterados durante esse período.

Avanços e dilemas da experiência regional brasileira: o caso da Agência de Desenvolvimento do Grande ABC

Retrata, em sua formação e trajetória, a história da Agência de Desenvolvimento Econômico do Grande ABC, instituição de gestão regional que congrega as sete prefeituras da região e instituições da sociedade civil: empresariais, sindicais e universitárias. As questões que conduzem a discussão são os impactos da variável federativa e a ausência de políticas de solução de problemas comuns das várias unidades de governo de uma região metropolitana, que desestimulam a cooperação entre os entes federativos nessas regiões. O ponto central de análise é que, a despeito desses obstáculos, foi desenvolvida uma experiência, singular no Brasil, de cooperação inter e intragovernamental com adesão da sociedade local, que, no entanto, apresenta limitações. É explicitado o processo de construção do diálogo e união de diferentes atores, com suas instituições, conflitos e seu impacto no desenvolvimento da Agência.

Regiões metropolitanas paulistas e coordenação intergovernamental: um estudo comparativo

Retrata, em sua formação e trajetória, a história da criação das Regiões Metropolitanas paulistas, bem como da criação de suas instituições de desenvolvimento, analisando o impacto da cooperação intergovernamental na gestão metropolitana, através da participação do governo estadual. As questões que conduzem a discussão são os impactos da variável federativa e a ausência de políticas de solução de problemas comuns das várias unidades de governo de uma Região Metropolitana, que desestimulam a cooperação entre os entes federativos nessas regiões. A importância da cooperação intergovernamental é o ponto central da análise. Embora a cooperação intergovernamental apresente limitações, tanto em aspectos técnicos, como políticos, representa e aparece como solução para os problemas da ação coletiva.

Derivativos, alavancagem e a crise de 2008

O objeto de estudo deste trabalho foi o subprime, sua origem, evolução e os possíveis contornos à crise financeira do século. O objetivo geral do trabalho foi investigar as razões para a ocorrência do fenômeno, bem como suas consequências. Além disso, as principais causas da crise, suas tendências e algumas possíveis soluções foram investigadas por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica. Para contornar as consequências da crise, seria necessário rever o modelo de regulação das atuais instituições financeiras vigentes, que são as responsáveis pela definição das economias de mercado, de modo a diminuir a instabilidade presente nos mercados financeiros.