Coastal Erosion--Causes, Erosion Control Methods, Economic and Environmental Impacts, and Best Management Practices

Coastal erosion is an important and constant issue facing coastal areas all over the world today. The rate of coastal development over the years has increased, in turn requiring that action be taken to protect structures from the threat of erosion. A review of the causes of coastal erosion and the methods implemented to control it was conducted in order to determine the best course of action in response to coastal erosion issues. The potential positive and negative economic and environmental impacts are key concerns in determining whether or not to restore an eroding beach and which erosion control method(s) to implement. Results focus on providing a comparison of these concerns as well as recommendations for addressing coastal erosion issues.

Improving urban park design: A comparative and analytical study addressing resources available and components necessary to improve the environmental and economic sustainability of urban parks

Urban parks have long been valued for the environmental, social, and economic benefits they provide. Increasingly, parks are also being recognized as features important for sustainable city design. This Capstone Project will identify, compare, analyze, and discuss means for designing sustainable urban parks. Recommendations for designing sustainable urban parks, based on project results, include: 1) ensure park features will support high levels of human activity; 2) use gravel to construct park trails; 3) purchase playground structures made of recycled materials; 4) plant a high number of perennials in flowerbeds and other vegetated areas; 5) plant climate-appropriate plants in vegetated areas; 6) ensure parks have high levels of plant diversity; and 7) develop future studies further exploring sustainable park design.

La migración residencial de noreuropeos en España

El proceso de unificación europea ha facilitado la aparición de nuevos flujos migratorios entre los distintos Estados. Uno muy significativo lo forman los noreuropeos (británicos y alemanes, principalmente) que se trasladan a los países mediterráneos. En este artículo se analizan los problemas que enfrentan los inmigrantes residenciales noreuropeos en el sur de España a la hora de establecer vínculos con la sociedad española. Con este fin, se lleva a cabo un estudio en el municipio de San Miguel de Salinas, ubicado en el sudeste del país. La perspectiva metodológica articula la investigación cuantitativa con la cualitativa. Los hallazgos obtenidos muestran cómo la barrera idiomática esconde en realidad un entramado de relaciones entre aspectos socioespaciales, políticos y económicos. Se configura así un sistema que dificulta el establecimiento de interacciones entre los residentes españoles y los noreuropeos, generando además procesos de fragmentación social.

La desigualdad política ante la crisis del Estado social

El texto parte de la fuerte conexión entre Estado social fuerte y las políticas públicas activas de distribución y equilibrio de la riqueza. Desde esta premisa se describen algunos escenarios en los que las desigualdades estructurales impiden el desarrollo de políticas públicas activas. De manera específica se alude a determinados datos relativos a America Latina. Estos datos se presentan como contrapunto al contexto europeo. Por último, se incide en el papel de las clases medias como destinatarias de las nuevas políticas públicas necesarias para dar un nuevo sentido al estado social del siglo XXI.

La empresa social en España y en Italia durante la crisis ¿un laboratorio de innovación económica y social?

En este artículo analizamos el desarrollo de empresa social en España e Italia en el marco de la crisis económica y social, en términos de difusión y marco jurídico. De esta manera, definimos los confines del “ecosistema” de la empresa social en los dos países e identificamos elementos comunes y especifidades. La hipótesis es que la empresa social representa una herramienta de generación de respuestas proactivas a la crisis, impulsando trayectorias de innovación económica y social, y contribuyendo a un modelo de desarrollo económica y socialmente sostenible. La innovación surge de la capacidad de las empresas sociales de generar respuestas innovativas a demandas emergentes, de su capacidad de crear al mismo tiempo valor social y económico, de satisfacer necesidades individuales y colectivas, de activar dinámicas de cambio de medio y largo plazo, de estimular dinámicas de emprendimiento, de empoderamiento y de valorización en el territorio. Sin embargo, el carácter innovador de la empresa social no surge simplemente de una empresarializacción del Tercer Sector tradicional, y mucho menos como consecuencia de la transferencia de servicios fundamentales del estado a asociaciones, cooperativas y empresas sociales, si con eso se persigue el simple objetivo de reducción de los gastos públicos. Al contrario, detrás de la retórica de la innovación social se puedan esconder proyectos de reducción de los gastos de servicios a través de la reducción de los salarios y de la cualidad de los servicios. El artículo, a partir de la comparación de la difusión del fenómeno y de las perspectivas de desarrollo en España y en Italia, termina con una reflexión crítica sobre las luces y sombras, los riesgos y las oportunidades, relacionados con la difusión de la empresa social, o sea, de la integración de la acción solidaria y la acción económica en prácticas que son al mismo tiempo empresariales y con finalidades sociales.

Sintomas obsessivos e compulsivos em utentes dos cuidados de saúde primários

Trabalho Final do Curso de Mestrado Integrado em Medicina, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

Determinantes de efetividade de intervenção clínica na obesidade : perspetiva de um painel de peritos

Tese de mestrado, Nutrição Clínica, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

Perceptions des femmes exerçant différentes formes d'activités sexuelles rémunérées hors rue sur leur pratique

La présente recherche rend compte de la perception de leurs activités de huit femmes ayant pratiqué ou pratiquant toujours diverses formes d’activités sexuelles rémunérées dans un contexte hors rue. Les formes d’activités les plus souvent abordées sont la danse nue avec et sans contacts, l’escorte, le massage érotique et le phénomène communément appelé « sugar daddy », soit l’échange des services contre rémunération avec un client en particulier. Deux participantes de l’échantillon ont, parallèlement à leurs pratiques hors rue, exercé dans la rue. Le terme « pratiques sexuelles rémunérées » a été privilégié afin d’assurer une perspective neutre, c’est-à-dire sans parti pris a priori pour aucune des deux visions préexistantes par rapport au phénomène se situant à deux extrémités de ce que nous percevons plutôt être un continuum, soit la vision abolitionniste voulant que la « prostitution » soit une forme d’exploitation et de violence sexuelle commise principalement à l’égard des femmes, qui devrait être décriminalisée pour les femmes, mais criminalisée pour les clients et les proxénètes, et la vision soutenant que le « travail du sexe » est un choix qui constitue un travail comme un autre et, conséquemment, mérite d’être décriminalisé complètement, et ce, même pour les clients et les proxénètes. Notre approche visait essentiellement à permettre d’aller chercher les visions subjectives des femmes sur leur pratique, point de vue que nous retrouvons peu dans les écrits et les débats sur le sujet. La cadre théorique qui sous-tend notre analyse est celui de l’intersectionnalité. Les principales sources de discrimination ressorties sont l’âge, le statut socioéconomique, et l’origine ethnique pour une participante. Ces sources augmentent les facteurs de vulnérabilité faisant que les femmes se dirigent vers l’univers des pratiques sexuelles rémunérées, y demeurent ou parfois y retournent après un arrêt, ceci afin d’assurer leur subsistance, la consommation de substances psychoactives ou pour pouvoir rembourser des dettes et/ou se payer certains luxes. Le but de notre étude est de découvrir et de comprendre la perception des femmes quant à leur expérience associée à la pratique de différentes formes d’activités sexuelles rémunérées hors rue. Il s’agissait plus spécifiquement de décrire, comprendre et analyser la trajectoire ayant conduit les femmes vers la pratique d’activités sexuelles rémunérées; comprendre leurs trajectoires et leurs expériences en fonction des différents types de pratique, plus ou moins intense, plus ou moins variée et plus ou moins étendue dans le temps et, enfin, de situer leur perspective sur le continuum du débat social positionnant la pratique d’activités sexuelles rémunérées comme étant soit une forme d’exploitation ou une forme de travail comme un autre. Afin d’atteindre ces objectifs, une approche qualitative faite d’entretiens semi-dirigés auprès des femmes a été réalisée. Nous avons ainsi pu situer les perspectives des femmes sur un continuum où plusieurs trouvaient leur place dans des visions plus nuancées de leur réalité, alors que d’autres rejoignaient davantage une des deux visions polarisées. En effet, certaines ont vécu leur expérience essentiellement comme une forme d’exploitation et de violence à leur égard, alors que d’autres en traitent comme un choix et un travail comme un autre.

Des classes sociales aux classes cognitives

Dans ce texte, l’auteur poursuit deux objectifs. Première- ment, il tente de montrer que, désormais, les compétences cognitives priment la classe sociale lorsqu’il s’agit d’obtenir un emploi prestigieux. Pour ce faire, il examine cinq aspects : le statut social et les compétences cognitives, l’effet Flynn, l’interaction entre l’héritabilité et l’environne- mentalité, l’homogamie éducationnelle et la mondialisation. Deuxièmement, l’auteur présente quelques conséquences sociales de cet état de fait aux plans social et éducatif, dont l’idéologie méritocratique.

EU Enlargement: external economic implications. Bruges European Economic Policy (BEEP) Briefing 4/2003

Unlike some previous EU enlargements (e.g. with the UK and with Spain/Portugal) the present EU enlargement to Central Europe has not prompted much, let alone a fierce, debate about the external dimension. This BEEP briefing discusses the main economic aspects of the external dimension, in particular whether there is a threat of (how much) trade diversion. Attention is paid to the three main topics of interest for third countries: industrial trade effects, impact on FDI and agricultural trade effects. Agriculture is arguably the most sensitive of the three, given the very high CAP border protection, and although large-scale trade diversion may eventually occur under certain scenarios (such as an unreformed CAP), these fears are greatly exaggerated in the short to medium term (5-7 years): the time frame considered is therefore all-important. This conclusion becomes less surprising if one takes a closer look at the current sorry state of agriculture in the CEECs. Separate sections treat the somewhat sensitive subject of U.S.-CEEC Bilateral Investment Treaties, as well as the longterm development perspective, which addresses the prospects for catch-up growth by the accession countries. In the end, non-European stakeholders in the accession process will greatly benefit from sustained catch-up growth by the CEECs, which are locking-in deep reforms due to EU accession.

The Economics of EU Railway Reform. Bruges European Economic Policy (BEEP) Briefing 8/2004

The EU began railway reform in earnest around the turn of the century. Two ‘railway packages’ have meanwhile been adopted amounting to a series of directives and a third package has been proposed. A range of complementary initiatives has been undertaken or is underway. This BEEP Briefing inspects the main economic aspects of EU rail reform. After highlighting the dramatic loss of market share of rail since the 1960s, the case for reform is argued to rest on three arguments: the need for greater competitiveness of rail, promoting the (market driven) diversion of road haulage to rail as a step towards sustainable mobility in Europe, and an end to the disproportional claims on public budgets of Member States. The core of the paper deals respectively with market failures in rail and in the internal market for rail services; the complex economic issues underlying vertical separation (unbundling) and pricing options; and the methods, potential and problems of introducing competition in rail freight and in passenger services. Market failures in the rail sector are several (natural monopoly, economies of density, safety and asymmetries of information), exacerbated by no less than 7 technical and legal barriers precluding the practical operation of an internal rail market. The EU choice to opt for vertical unbundling (with benefits similar in nature as in other network industries e.g. preventing opaque cross-subsidisation and greater cost revelation) risks the emergence of considerable coordination costs. The adoption of marginal cost pricing is problematic on economic grounds (drawbacks include arbitrary cost allocation rules in the presence of large economies of scope and relatively large common costs; a non-optimal incentive system, holding back the growth of freight services; possibly anti-competitive effects of two-part tariffs). Without further detailed harmonisation, it may also lead to many different systems in Member States, causing even greater distortions. Insofar as freight could develop into a competitive market, a combination of Ramsey pricing (given the incentive for service providers to keep market share) and price ceilings based on stand-alone costs might be superior in terms of competition, market growth and regulatory oversight. The incipient cooperative approach for path coordination and allocation is welcome but likely to be seriously insufficient. The arguments to introduce competition, notably in freight, are valuable and many e.g. optimal cross-border services, quality differentiation as well as general quality improvement, larger scale for cost recovery and a decrease of rent seeking. Nevertheless, it is not correct to argue for the introduction of competition in rail tout court. It depends on the size of the market and on removing a host of barriers; it requires careful PSO definition and costing; also, coordination failures ought to be pre-empted. On the other hand, reform and competition cannot and should not be assessed in a static perspective. Conduct and cost structures will change with reform. Infrastructure and investment in technology are known to generate enormous potential for cost savings, especially when coupled with the EU interoperability programme. All this dynamism may well help to induce entry and further enlarge the (net) welfare gains from EU railway reform. The paper ends with a few pointers for the way forward in EU rail reform.

Family Types and the Persistence of Regional Disparities in Europe. Bruges European Economic Research (BEER) Papers 10/March 2007

This paper examines the association between one of the most basic institutional forms, the family, and a series of demographic, educational, social, and economic indicators across regions in Europe. Using Emmanuel Todd’s classification of medieval European family systems, we identify potential links between family types and regional disparities in household size, educational attainment, social capital, labour participation, sectoral structure, wealth, and inequality. The results indicate that medieval family structures seem to have influenced European regional disparities in virtually every indicator considered. That these links remain, despite the influence of the modern state and population migration, suggests that either such structures are extremely resilient or else they have in the past been internalised within other social and economic institutions as they developed.

Israel and Palestine and state (un)sustainability. MEDPRO Technical Report No. 5/June 2011

This report explores the concept of state (un)sustainability in Israel and Palestine. The starting point sees conflict resolution as an independent variable for any change and progress in the area, in terms of a political, just and credible agreement between the two parties, which will then play a decisive role in the development of the Mediterranean region. These developments and prospects for a solution are then evaluated on the basis of state (un)sustainability, a broad notion that refers to the possibilities for long-term development at the political, social and economic levels. The very nature of Israel’s democracy and its relations with its Arab minority, the challenges related to the establishment of a viable and sustainable Palestinian state, and the regional dimension of all the actors involved are considered in order to evaluate future scenarios in this context. Three scenarios are tested: sustainability, which corresponds to the end of the conflict and the establishment of two viable and independent states with a tangible improvement in political and economic indicators; unsustainability, which refers to the perpetuation of the political status quo and the progressive deterioration of all political, economic and social indicators; and finally, weak stability, which entails the achievement of a sterile political stability, able to sustain the present status quo but unable to confront the main challenges for the future of the country(ies).

The Eurasian Economic Union – more political, less economic. OSW Commentary Number 157/20.01.2015

The Eurasian Economic Union is undoubtedly the most comprehensive form of economic integration of the post-Soviet countries since the break-up of the Soviet Union. However, the way in which the integration process has been unfolding, as well as Russia’s aggressive policy over the last year, are indications that the EEU has become primarily a political project, and the importance of its economic aspects has eroded. This has triggered a change in the way Kazakhstan and Belarus treat the EEU. Initially, the two countries viewed integration as an opportunity for the development of genuine economic co-operation. However, Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the conflict in Ukraine have revealed the real significance of the EEU project – as a tool to reinforce Russian influence in the post-Soviet area and isolate the post-Soviet countries from the West and China. While the Kremlin presents the EEU as the Eurasian equivalent of the European Union, the project is in reality an imitation of integration. The reasons for this include the nature of the political systems in the participating countries, which are authoritarian, prone to instrumentalise law, and affected by systemic corruption; the aggressive policy that Russia has been pursuing over the last year; and Russia’s dominant role in defining the shape of the EEU. The EEU appears to be based on forceful integration, and is becoming less and less economically attractive for its member countries other than Russia. Moreover, it is clearly assuming a political dimension that those other member countries perceive as dangerous. For these reasons, its functioning will depend on the power and position of Russia. In the longer term it is likely that the other member states will try to ‘sham’ and delay closer integration within the EEU. This means that if Russia becomes politically and economically weaker, the EEU may evolve into an increasingly dysfunctional organisation – a development that will be reinforced by the low standards of legal culture in its member states and their reluctance to integrate. Should Russia’s power increase, the EEU will become an effective instrument of Russian dominance in the area of the former USSR.

Social Rights in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia: Is a Consensus-driven Policy Still on The table? EUSpring Policy Brief/Citizenship Review No. 17, June 2016

The immolation of street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi and the demonstrations that followed in December 2010 triggered the Tunisian revolution. But there were more deep-seated issues at stake: unemployment, poverty and exclusion, coupled with a deep sense of injustice, humiliation and helplessness of the peripheries to influence the political centre. Five years after the revolution, the social and economic problems are still persistent and arguably worse. Many people believe Tunisians are facing a distorted revolution; political progress has not coincided with reforms leading to welfare.