975 resultados para Mitchel, O. M. (Ormsby MacKnight), 1809-1862.
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Background: Gender differences in cycling are well-documented. However, most analyses of gender differences make broad comparisons, with few studies modeling male and female cycling patterns separately for recreational and transport cycling. This modeling is important, in order to improve our efforts to promote cycling to women and men in countries like Australia with low rates of transport cycling. The main aim of this study was to examine gender differences in cycling patterns and in motivators and constraints to cycling, separately for recreational and transport cycling. Methods: Adult members of a Queensland, Australia, community bicycling organization completed an online survey about their cycling patterns; cycling purposes; and personal, social and perceived environmental motivators and constraints (47% response rate). Closed and open-end questions were completed. Using the quantitative data, multivariable linear, logistic and ordinal regression models were used to examine associations between gender and cycling patterns, motivators and constraints. The qualitative data were thematically analysed to expand upon the quantitative findings. Results: In this sample of 1862 bicyclists, men were more likely than women to cycle for recreation and for transport, and they cycled for longer. Most transport cycling was for commuting, with men more likely than women to commute by bicycle. Men were more likely to cycle on-road, and women off-road. However, most men and women did not prefer to cycle on-road without designed bicycle lanes, and qualitative data indicated a strong preference by men and women for bicycle-only off-road paths. Both genders reported personal factors (health and enjoyment related) as motivators for cycling, although women were more likely to agree that other personal, social and environmental factors were also motivating. The main constraints for both genders and both cycling purposes were perceived environmental factors related to traffic conditions, motorist aggression and safety. Women, however, reported more constraints, and were more likely to report as constraints other environmental factors and personal factors. Conclusion: Differences found in men’s and women’s cycling patterns, motivators and constraints should be considered in efforts to promote cycling, particularly in efforts to increase cycling for transport.
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A nationwide survey was made of the time-course incidence of alfalfa mosaic virus (AMV), clover yellow vein virus (CYVV), subterranean clover mottle virus (SCMoV) and subterranean clover red leaf virus (SCRLV) in improved pastures in southern regions of Australia. Averaged over all states, the highest mean incidence recorded for samples infected with individual viruses in either winter or spring was 9.4% for AMV, 5.7% for CYVV, 10.9% for SCMoV and 7.5% for SCRLV. For AMV and SCRLV, there was an increasing trend from spring 1984 to spring 1986. A similar increasing trend for SCMoV was more evident in winter than in spring. For CYVV, no time-course pattern was evident. Results support the proposition that viruses contribute significantly to "clover-decline', a well-known problem in pastures of Trifolium subterraneum. -from Authors
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Objective To determine whether locally applied tobramycin influences the ability of recombinant human bone morphogenetic protein 2 (rhBMP-2) to heal a segmental defect in the rat femur. Methods The influence of tobramycin on the osteogenic differentiation of mesenchymal stem cells was first evaluated in vitro. For the subsequent, in vivo experiments, a 5-mm segmental defect was created in the right femur of each of 25 Sprague-Dawley rats and stabilized with an external fixator and four Kirschner wires. Rats were divided in four groups: empty control, tobramycin (11 mg)/absorbable collagen sponge, rhBMP-2 (11 μg)/absorbable collagen sponge, and rhBMP-2/absorbable collagen sponge with tobramycin. Bone healing was monitored by radiography at 3 and 8 weeks. Animals were euthanized at 8 weeks and the properties of the defect were compared with the intact contralateral femur. Bone formation in the defect region was assessed by dual-energy x-ray absorptiometry, microcomputed tomography, histology, and mechanical testing. Results Tobramycin exerted a dose-dependent inhibition of alkaline phosphatase induction and calcium deposition by mesenchymal stem cells cultured under osteogenic conditions. The inhibition was reversed in the presence of 500 ng/mL of rhBMP-2. Segmental defects in the rat femora failed to heal in the absence of rhBMP-2. Tobramycin exerted no inhibitory effects on the ability of rhBMP-2 to heal these defects and increased the bone area of the defects treated with rhBMP-2. Data obtained from all other parameters of healing, including dual-energy x-ray absorptiometry, microcomputed tomography, histology, and mechanical testing, were unaffected by tobramycin. Conclusions Although our in vitro results suggested that tobramycin inhibits the osteogenic differentiation of mesenchymal stem cells, this could be overcome by rhBMP-2. Tobramycin did not impair the ability of rhBMP-2 to heal critical-sized femoral defects in rats. Indeed, bone area was increased by nearly 20% in the rhBMP-2 group treated with tobramycin. This study shows that locally applied tobramycin can be used in conjunction with rhBMP-2 to enhance bone formation at fracture sites.
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Transient expression is a powerful method for the functional characterization of genes. In this chapter, we outline a protocol for the transient expression of constructs in Medicago truncatula leaves using Agrobacterium tumefaciens infiltration. Using quantitative real-time PCR we demonstrate that the infiltration of a construct containing the LEGUME ANTHOCYANIN PRODUCTION 1 (LAP1) transcription factor results in the strong upregulation of key biosynthetic genes and the accumulation of anthocyanin pigment in the leaves after just 3 days. Thus, this method provides a rapid and powerful way to the discovery of downstream targets of M. truncatula transcription factors.
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Previous studies have demonstrated that pattern recognition approaches to accelerometer data reduction are feasible and moderately accurate in classifying activity type in children. Whether pattern recognition techniques can be used to provide valid estimates of physical activity (PA) energy expenditure in youth remains unexplored in the research literature. Purpose: The objective of this study is to develop and test artificial neural networks (ANNs) to predict PA type and energy expenditure (PAEE) from processed accelerometer data collected in children and adolescents. Methods: One hundred participants between the ages of 5 and 15 yr completed 12 activity trials that were categorized into five PA types: sedentary, walking, running, light-intensity household activities or games, and moderate-to-vigorous intensity games or sports. During each trial, participants wore an ActiGraph GTIM on the right hip, and (V) Over dotO(2) was measured using the Oxycon Mobile (Viasys Healthcare, Yorba Linda, CA) portable metabolic system. ANNs to predict PA type and PAEE (METs) were developed using the following features: 10th, 25th, 50th, 75th, and 90th percentiles and the lag one autocorrelation. To determine the highest time resolution achievable, we extracted features from 10-, 15-, 20-, 30-, and 60-s windows. Accuracy was assessed by calculating the percentage of windows correctly classified and root mean square en-or (RMSE). Results: As window size increased from 10 to 60 s, accuracy for the PA-type ANN increased from 81.3% to 88.4%. RMSE for the MET prediction ANN decreased from 1.1 METs to 0.9 METs. At any given window size, RMSE values for the MET prediction ANN were 30-40% lower than the conventional regression-based approaches. Conclusions: ANNs can be used to predict both PA type and PAEE in children and adolescents using count data from a single waist mounted accelerometer.
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Ascorbate (vitamin C) is an essential antioxidant and enzyme cofactor in both plants and animals. Ascorbate concentration is tightly regulated in plants, partly to respond to stress. Here, we demonstrate that ascorbate concentrations are determined via the posttranscriptional repression of GDP-l-galactose phosphorylase (GGP), a major control enzyme in the ascorbate biosynthesis pathway. This regulation requires a cis-acting upstream open reading frame (uORF) that represses the translation of the downstream GGP open reading frame under high ascorbate concentration. Disruption of this uORF stops the ascorbate feedback regulation of translation and results in increased ascorbate concentrations in leaves. The uORF is predicted to initiate at a noncanonical codon (ACG rather than AUG) and encode a 60- to 65-residue peptide. Analysis of ribosome protection data from Arabidopsis thaliana showed colocation of high levels of ribosomes with both the uORF and the main coding sequence of GGP. Together, our data indicate that the noncanonical uORF is translated and encodes a peptide that functions in the ascorbate inhibition of translation. This posttranslational regulation of ascorbate is likely an ancient mechanism of control as the uORF is conserved in GGP genes from mosses to angiosperms.
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Finnish scholarship students in Russia during the autonomy (1812-1917) During the autonomy in Finland (1809-1917), an attempt to improve the knowledge of the Russian language was made through special language university scholarships. With these scholarships the students could go and study the Russian language and acquire cultural knowledge in Russia. Other member countries on the edges of the Russian Empire, like Poland and the Baltic provinces, did not have similar programs. The first two scholars started their journey in 1812. A system of travel allowances was introduced in 1841. Between the years 1812- 1917 a total of almost 400 students studied in Russia. The studies mainly took place in Moscow. These scholarship students were called the Master s of Moscow ". In this paper, Finnish-Russian relations are studied based on the attitude towards the Russian language and the people who studied it in Finland. Although the attitude towards them was neutral in the beginning, in 1844 there was a strong change. Students of Russian, and especially the scholars, received the stigma of being unreliable and unpatriotic, a stigma they were never able to get rid of. The study of the Russian language was voluntary in Finnish schools between 1863 and 1872. Starting from 1890, however, the study of the Russian language was enforced. In doing so, the Russians attempted to unify the Empire, while the Finns had the illusion that they had their own state. Thus, Russia saw the language as a way to unify the Empire and Finns as an attempt to make them Russians. The purpose of studying in Russia was to improve the student s practical language skills and overall knowledge of the customs and culture of the country. Besides knowing the language, knowledge of Russian culture and customs is essential in understanding Russia and Russians; therefore, the studies of literature, geography and history have been noted in this research. Without knowledge it is difficult to develop understanding. After their studies, almost all of the scholars returned to Finland and did not continue their careers in Russia. They worked mainly as teachers and civil servants, and managed to improve the Finnish people s weak knowledge of Russian and Russia through teaching, translations of literature and newspaper articles. Through these scholars, it is possible to see how the attitudes towards the language have been closely related to the political history between Finland and Russia. The language became the subject of resistance and these attitudes were transferred to its students. In 1917, the study of Russia and the Russian language ended and it was no longer possible to use the acquired knowledge of language and country in independent Finland.
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The study is an examination of how the distant national past has been conceived and constructed for Finland from the mid-sixteenth century to the Second World War. The author argues that the perception and need of a national 'Golden Age' has undergone several phases during this period, yet the perceived Greatness of the Ancient Finns has been of great importance for the growth and development of the fundamental concepts of Finnish nationalism. It is a question reaching deeper than simply discussing the Kalevala or the Karelianism of the 1890s. Despite early occurrences of most of the topics the image-makers could utilize for the construction of an Ancient Greatness, a truly national proto-history only became a necessity after 1809, when a new conceptual 'Finnishness' was both conceived and brought forth in reality. In this process of nation-building, ethnic myths of origin and descent provided the core of the nationalist cause - the defence of a primordial national character - and within a few decades the antiquarian issue became a standard element of the nationalist public enlightenment. The emerging, archaeologically substantiated, nationhood was more than a scholarly construction: it was a 'politically correct' form of ethnic self-imaging, continuously adapting its message to contemporary society and modern progress. Prehistoric and medieval Finnishness became even more relevant for the intellectual defence of the nation during the period of Russian administrative pressure 1890-1905. With independence the origins of Finnishness were militarized even further, although the 'hot' phase of antiquarian nationalism ended, as many considered the Finnish state reestablished after centuries of 'dependency'. Nevertheless, the distant past of tribal Finnishness and the conceived Golden Age of the Kalevala remained obligating. The decline of public archaeology is quite evident after 1918, even though the national message of the antiquarian pursuits remained present in the history culture of the public. The myths, symbols, images, and constructs of ancient Finnishness had already become embedded in society by the turn of the century, like the patalakki cap, which remains a symbol of Finnishness to this day. The method of approach is one of combining a broad spectrum of previously neglected primary sources, all related to history culture and the subtle banalization of the distant past: school books, postcards, illustrations, festive costumes, drama, satirical magazines, novels, jewellery, and calendars. Tracing the origins of the national myths to their original contexts enables a rather thorough deconstruction of the proto-historical imaginary in this Finnish case study. Considering Anthony D. Smith's idea of ancient 'ethnies' being the basis for nationalist causes, the author considers such an approach in the Finnish case totally misplaced.
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The emperor of our fatherland The changing national identity of the elite and the construction of the Finnish fatherland at the beginning of the autonomy This study addresses the question of changing national identity of the elite at the beginning of the autonomy (1808 1814) in Finland. Russia had conquered Finland from Sweden, but Finland was not incorporated into the Russian Empire. Instead, it was governed as separately administered area, and Finland retained its own (laws of the realm of Sweden) laws. The inclusion in the Russian Empire compelled the elite of Finland to deliberate their national identity; they had to determine whether they remained Swedes or became Finns or Russians. The elite chose to become Finns, which may seem obvious from the nowadays perspective, but it cannot be taken for granted that the Swedish speaking and noble elite converted their local Finnish identity into a new national identity. The basis of this study is constructive in a sense that identity is not seen as stable and constant. Theoretical background lies on Stuart Hall s writings on national identity, which offer good practical methods to study national identity. According to Hall identity is based mainly on difference , difference to others . In practice this means how elite began to define themselves in contrast to Swedes and Russians. The Finnish national identity was constructed in contrast to Swedes due to the political reasons. In order to avoid Russians suspicions Finns had to diverge from Sweden. Sweden had also gone trough coup d état, which was disliked by the elite of Finland. However, the attitudes of the elite towards Sweden remained somewhat ambiguous. Even if it was politically and rationally thinking wisest to draw away from Sweden, emotionally it was difficult. Russia, on the other hand, had been for centuries the archenemy of the Finns as well as all the Swedes. The fear of the Russians was mainly imaginary. Russians were seen as cruel barbarians who hated and resented Finns. The Finnish national identity was constructed above all in contrast to the Russians, for the difference to Russia was seen as a precondition for the existence of Finland. Respectively, the new position of Finland also required approaching towards Russia, which was in its nature very pragmatic. The elite contrived to get rid off its prejudice against Russians on intellectual level, but not on emotional level. At the beginning of the autonomy the primary loyalty of the elite was directed into the Finnish fatherland and its habitants. This was a radical ideological change, because traditionally the loyalty of the elite had focused on monarch and monarch s realm. However, the role of Alexander I was crucial. According to the elite the emperor had granted them a new fatherland. The former native country (Finland) was seen as a new fatherland instead of Sweden. The loyalty of the elite to the emperor generated from the reciprocal gratitude; Alexander I had treated their native country so mercifully. The elite felt strong personal responsibility for Finland s existence. The elite believed that the future of Finland rested on their shoulders. Alexander I had given them fatherland, but it was in the hands of the elite to construct the Finnish state and national spirit. The study of the Finnish national identity brings forth also that the national identity was constructed by emphasizing Finns civic rights. The civic rights were essential part of the construction of the Finnish national identity, for the difference between Finns and Russians was based on Finns own laws and privileges, which the emperor of the Russia had ensured.
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Books Paths to Readers describes the history of the origins and consolidation of modern and open book stores in Finland 1740 1860. The thesis approaches the book trade as a part of a print culture. Instead of literary studies choice to concentrate on texts and writers, book history seeks to describe the print culture of a society and how the literary activities and societies interconnect. For book historians, printed works are creations of various individuals and groups: writers, printers, editors, book sellers, censors, critics and finally, readers. They all take part in the creation, delivery and interpretation of printed works. The study reveals the ways selling and distributing books have influenced the printed works and the literary and print culture. The research period 1740 1860 covers the so-called second revolution of the book, or the modernisation of the print culture. The thesis describes the history of 60 book stores and their 96 owners. The study concentrates on three themes: firstly, how the particular book trade network became a central institution for printed works distribution, secondly what were the relations between cosmopolitan European book markets and the national cultural sphere, and thirdly how book stores functioned as cultural institutions and business enterprises. Book stores that have a varied assortment and are targeted to all readers became the main institution for book trade in Finland during 1740 1860. It happened because of three features. First, the book binders monopoly on selling bound copies in Sweden was abolished in 1740s. As a consequence entrepreneurs could concentrate solely to trade activities and offer copies from various publishers at their stores. Secondly the common business model of bartering was replaced by selling copies for cash, first in the German book trade centre Leipzig in 1770s. The change intensified book markets activities and Finnish book stores foreign connections. Thirdly, after Finland was annexed to the Russian empire in 1809, the Grand duchy s administration steered foreign book trade to book stores (because of censorship demands). Up to 1830 s book stores were available only in Helsinki and Turku. During next ten years book stores opened in six regional centres. The early entrepreneurs ran usually vertical businesses consisting of printing, publishing and distribution activities. This strategy lowered costs, eased the delivery of printed works and helped to create elaborated centres for all book activities. These book stores main clientele consisted of the Swedish speaking gentry. During late 1840s various opinion leaders called for the development of a national Finnish print culture, and also book stores. As a result, during the five years before the beginning of the Crimean war (1853 1856) book stores were opened in almost all Finnish towns: at the beginning of the war 36 book stores operated in 21 towns. The later book sellers, mainly functioning in small towns among Finnish speaking people, settled usually strictly for selling activities. Book stores received most of their revenues from selling foreign titles. Swedish, German, French and Belgian (pirate editions of popular French novels) books were widely available for the multilingual gentry. Foreign titles and copies brought in most of the revenues. Censorship inspections or unfavourable custom fees would not limit the imports. Even if the local Finnish print production steadily rose, many copies, even titles, were never delivered via book stores. Only during the 1840 s and 1850 s the most advanced publishers would concentrate on creating publishing programmes and delivering their titles via book stores. Book sellers regulated commissions were small. They got even smaller because of large amounts of unsold copies, various and usual misunderstandings of consignments and accounts or plain accidents that destroyed shipments and warehouses. Also, the cultural aim of a creating large and assortments and the tendency of short selling periods demanded professional entrepreneurship, which many small town book sellers however lacked. In the midst of troublesome business efforts, co-operation and mutual concern of the book market s entrepreneurs were the key elements of the trade, although on local level book sellers would compete, sometimes even ferociously. The difficult circumstances (new censorship decree of 1850, Crimean war) and lack of entrepreneurship, experience and customers meant that half of the book stores opened in 1845 1860 was shut in less than five years. In 1858 the few leading publishers established The Finnish Book Publishers Association. Its first task was to create new business rules and manners for the book trade. The association s activities began to professionalise the whole network, but at the same time the earlier independence of regional publishing and selling enterprises diminished greatly. The consolidation of modern and open book store network in Finland is a history of a slow and complex development without clear signs of a beginning or an end. The ideal book store model was rarely accomplished in its all features. Nevertheless, book stores became the norm of the book trade. They managed to offer larger selections, reached larger clienteles and maintained constant activity better than any other book distribution model. In essential, the book stores methods have not changed up to present times.
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M,=477.3, orthorhombic, P2~2~2~, a= 6.719.(4), b=29.614(15), c= 9.559 (3) ~, Z=4, U-- 1902.0 A 3, D x = 1.67 Mg m -3, 2(Cu Ka) = 1.5418A, /~=l.90mm -1, T=290K. Final R for 1809 observed reflections is 0.045. The structure shows an unusual gauche-trans conformation about the C(4')-C(5') bond, while the sugar pucker [C(3')-exo] and glycosidic torsion angle [)CCN = 70.2 (5) °, anti] are normal. The two Na + ions do not interact with the molecule directly, being completely surrounded by water molecules. The cytosine bases are stacked, with a separation distance of 3.36 (5) A.
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The aim of the research is to interpret the professional culture of Finnish university-educated foresters in historical perspective. The main material of this research consists of biographical interviews, altogether 226 life stories of Finnish foresters, as well as foresters private photograph collections and articles in forest students' magazines. This study is the first published Ph. D. dissertation of a large oral history project "Forestry Professions in a Changing Society" 1999 2002 collected by The Finnish Forest History Society, the University of Helsinki (Ethnology) and The Finnish Forest Museum Lusto. The forester education was organized in the Evo Forest Institute 1862 1908, at the University of Helsinki since 1908 and additionally at the University of Joensuu since 1982. At first all the vacancies were in the service of the Board of Forestry, but during the 20th century the working opportunities of foresters significantly expanded, even outside the traditional areas of forestry or abroad. At the same time the whole area of Finnish forestry had integrated more versatile values concerning the forests and their use. The male-dominated profession gained its first female members already in the 1920s, and the number of female students rose gradually from the 1970s onwards. In the 1990s almost half of the new forest students were women. The content of both work and education of Finnish forest professionals has faced huge changes during the 19th and 20th centuries. Despite this however, there has been a long-term vision of a firm profession based on joint experiences, shared memories and the common task of foresters in the Finnish forestry. The feeling of togetherness the forester spirit which was created in a tight-knit student group which kept in touch also later as professionals was needed to make the work possible. Through foresters' own attitudes and narratives of themselves, the study is focused on forest professionalism as a cultural process of successive generations of foresters. How have foresters socialized themselves into their profession? How has forest professionalism been maintained? What is the meaning of joint experiences and shared memories in the profession? By studying the manifestations of a culture it is possible to interpret the culture itself. There seems to be an astounding consensus of opinion concerning forest professionalism in the oral, visual and written stories of foresters. Even if all the individuals and some separate groups, such as female foresters and the younger generation of foresters, did not always share the same experiences, the vision of forest professionalism was collectively recognized and often even approved. The shared idea of "a real forest professionalism" is like a model narrative, a point of comparison, which is needed while looking for one s own professional identity.
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Pitkärannan kaivokselle Laatokan Karjalaan saapui vuonna 1880 24 ruotsalaista vuorimiestä perheineen käynnistääkseen sen uudella teholla, tekemään siitä modernin ja johtamaan sen toimintaa. Heidät oli rekrytoinut sinne pietarilainen kansainvälisten liikemiesten omistama pankki suomalaisen vuoriteollisuuden asiantuntijan Hjalmar Furuhjelmin avulla. Pankki oli hankkinut lupaavalla malmialueella sijainneen kaivoksen omistukseensa muutamaa vuotta aikaisemmin. Ruotsalaisten saapumisesta käynnistyi 25 vuotta jatkunut ketjusiirtolaisuus Ruotsin vuoriteollisuuden keskusalueelta Bergslagenista Pitkärantaan, mikä oli pituutensa ja toimintansa vuoksi merkittävä. Vaikka Pitkäranta sijaitsi periferiassa, oli se hyvin kansainvälinen paikka, jossa oli myös muutamia muunmaalaisia työntekijöitä. Pitkäranta eli ruotsalaisten johdossa teollisen kultakautensa. Sieltä louhittiin pääasiassa kuparia, mutta loppuaikoina toiminta keskittyi rautamalmiin, jota rikastettiin. Kaivoksen yhteydessä toimi eri aikoina myös muuta teollisuutta kuten pullotehdas. Monet Pitkärannan ruotsalaisista olivat siirtolaisina perheensä kanssa. Naimattomista muutamat solmivat avioliiton suomalaisen kanssa ja kaksi kaivoksen saksalaisen johtajan O. G. Trüstedtin tyttärien kanssa. Ruotsalaiset siirtolaiset olivat Pitkärannassa johtavassa asemassa niin tehtäviensä pohjalta kuin sosiaalisestikin. Pitkärannan ruotsalaiset eivät pääsaantöisesti integroituneet Suomeen, vaan säilyttivät ruotsalaisen identiteettinsä ja palasivat jossain vaiheessa takaisin Ruotsiin - jopa sellaiset, jotka olivat Suomessa yli kymmenen vuotta. Vain muutama ruotsalainen vuorimies jäi Suomeen. Ruotsalaiset loivat Pitkärannassa ollessaan tiiviin suhdeverkon, johon kuului keskeisesti myös Trüstedtien perhe. Verkosto toimi tiiviisti muutama vuosi Pitkärannan jälkeen perustetun Outokummun kaivoksen alkutaipaleen aikana. Pitkärannan ruotsalaiset liittyivät vielä Petsamon nikkelinkin löytymiseen. Pitkärannan ruotsalaisuus kuului kolmeen historialliseen kontekstiin. Taustalla oli vuosisatoja Ruotsista Suomeen jatkunut vuoriammattilaisten siirtolaisuus, joka ei ollut loppunut, vaikka maiden valtiollinen side oli päättynyt vuonna 1809. Tästä syytä rekrytoijien kannalta Ruotsi oli luonnollinen kohde. Rekrytoidut taas elivät Ruotsin suurinta siirtolaisuusaaltoa, jolloin suuret siirtolaisvirrat suuntautuivat Pohjois-Amerikkaan ja siirtolaisuus kosketti lähes jokaista ruotsalaista. Kolmas taustalla vaikuttanut historiallinen kehitys oli Pietarin nopea kasvu ja kansainvälistyminen sekä sen imussa tapahtunut vaikutusalueiden ja koko Suomen teollistuminen. Pitkärannan kaivos oli Pietarin kansainvälisten liikemiesten omistama ja sen tuotanto palveli täysin Pietaria, jonka laajaan vaikutusalueeseen Pitkäranta kuului hyvin voimakkaasti. Monessa mielessä ruotsalaisten vuorimiesten siirtolaisuus Pitkärantaan olikin enemmän siirtolaisuutta Pietarin vaikutusalueelle kuin Suomeen. Pitkärannan side Suomeen oli lähinnä vain sen fyysinen sijainti, muuten sitä täytyy arvioida kiinteästi osana Pietarin vaiheita. Pitkäranta oli Amerikan siirtolaisuuteen ja vähän myöhemmin alkaneeseen Norrbotteniin muuttoon verrattuna vain pieni sivujuonne ruotsalaisessa 1800-luvun lopun siirtolaisuudessa. Suomeen ja Venäjälle tapahtuneen ruotsalaissiirtolaisuuden joukossa se oli kuitenkin aikanaan merkittävä, monimuotoinen ja kauaskantoinen tapahtuma. Avainsanat: ruotsalaiset, siirtolaisuus, vuoriteollisuus, ruukki, kaivos, Pitkäranta, Impilahti, Falun, Pietari, Bergslagen, kupari, ketjusiirtolaisuus
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This folk linguistic and human geographic study deals with dialect awareness, dialect use and place attachment. The study discusses theoretical and methodological issues current in sociolinguistics suggesting that the study of attitudes should be regarded as a core area in the study of variation and change. Furthermore, it is suggested that instead of putting effort into improving mental mapping methodology (adopted into folk linguistics from behavioural geography of the 1960 s), the more up-to-date thinking of space in geography should be adopted. The region and the dialect are treated as perceptual constructs in the study. The dialect perceptions of high school seniors in the Finnish Tornio Valley are examined trough a triangulation method involving a questionnaire, interviews and dialect recognition test as the research methods. The h in non-initial syllables (e.g. lähethä(ä)n, saunhaan ~ sauhnaan let s go into sauna ) turns out, expectedly, as the most salient feature in the dialect awareness of the locals and in terms of local identity construction. This feature is no longer heard in most of the present dialects of Finnish but is still thriving in the Tornio Valley in the cross-border dialect area. The metathetic variant (saunhaan > sauhnaan into sauna , käymhään > käyhmään to go ) is a characteristic feature of the Tornio Valley dialect. However, individual differences have long been found in the use of the h. This study challenges the essentialist variationist view of social categories (gender) by analysing variation from a quantitative but emic and human geographic point of view. The study shows that the variation of the h is statistically significantly patterned in terms of the degree of feeling of insideness vs. outsideness. New light is shed on the gender differences found in earlier sociolinguistic studies: differences in dialect use between and inside gender groups are illuminated by the fact that, in this case, it is young women who are generally less attached to the local community than young men, but this does not hold for all the individuals. The ideological motivation for preservation of the h seems to be based on the imagined community of Tornio Valley covering both the Swedish and the Finnish valley area. The general image of the dialect area and it s speakers, the shared cognitive dialect boundaries of the locals and the particularly deep level of awaress of the linguistic variation of the h are notable resources of the Tornio valley identity. Hyperdialectic forms analogical to the most frequently attested metathetic forms are found in the interview data, predicting that in this dialect the h will be maintained also in the future.
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Salinity is an increasingly important issue in both rural and urban areas throughout much of Australia. The use of recycled/reclaimed water and other sources of poorer quality water to irrigate turf is also increasing. Hybrid Bermudagrass (Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers. x C. transvaalensis Burtt Davey), together with the parent species C. dactylon, are amongst the most widely used warm-season turf grass groups. Twelve hybrid Bermudagrass genotypes and one accession each of Bermudagrass (C. dactylon), African Bermudagrass (C. transvaalensis) and seashore paspalum (Paspalum vaginatum Sw.) were grown in a glasshouse experiment with six different salinity treatments applied hydroponically through the irrigation water (ECW = <0.1, 6, 12, 18, 24 or 30 dSm-1) in a flood-and-drain system. Each pot was clipped progressively at 2-weekly intervals over the 12-week experimental period to determine dry matter production; leaf firing was rated visually on 3 occasions during the last 6 weeks of salinity treatment. At the end of the experiment, dry weights of roots and crowns below clipping height were also determined. Clipping yields declined sharply after about the first 6 weeks of salinity treatment, but then remained stable at substantially lower levels of dry matter production from weeks 8 to 12. Growth data over this final 4-week experimental period is therefore a more accurate guide to the relative salinity tolerance of the 15 entries than data from the preceding 8 weeks. Based on these data, the 12 hybrid Bermudagrass genotypes showed moderate salinity tolerance, with FloraDwarfM, 'Champion Dwarf', NovotekM and 'TifEagle' ranking as the most salt tolerant and 'Patriot', 'Santa Ana', 'Tifgreen' and TifSport M the least tolerant within the hybrid group. Nevertheless, Santa Ana, for example, maintained relatively strong root growth as salinity increased, and so may show better salt tolerance in practice than predicted from the growth data alone. The 12 hybrid Bermudagrasses and the single African Bermudagrass genotype were all ranked above FloraTeXM Bermudagrass in terms of salt tolerance. However, seashore paspalum, which is widely acknowledged as a halophytic species showing high salt tolerance, ranked well above all 14 Cynodon genotypes in terms of salinity tolerance.