974 resultados para Constraint Public Utility Easement Administrative Law
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Tese de Doutoramento em Estudos da Criança (Especialidade em Educação Musical)
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Tributário e Fiscal
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Tributário e Fiscal
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Administrativo
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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências da Educação (área de especialização em Organização e Administração Escolar).
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A number of studies show that New Public Management reforms have altered the current identity benchmarks of public officials, particularly by hybridizing values or management practices. However, existing studies have largely glossed over the sense of belonging of officials when their organization straddles the concerns of public service and private enterprise, so that the boundary between public and private sector is blurred. The purpose of this article is precisely to explore this sense of belonging in the context of organizational hybridization. It does so by drawing on the results of research conducted among the employees of a public unemployment insurance fund in Switzerland. On the one hand, the analysis shows how much their markers of belonging are hybrid, multiple and constructed in negative terms (with regard to the State), while indicating that the working practices of the employees point to an identity that is nevertheless closely bound with the public sector. On the other hand, the analysis shows that the organization plays strategically with its State status, by exploiting either its private or public identity in line with the needs related to its external image. The article concludes with a discussion of the results highlighting the strategic functionality of the hybrid identity of the actors.
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This paper replicates the analysis of Scottish HEIs in Hermannsson et al (2010a) for the case of London-based HEIs’ impact on the English economy in order to provide a self-contained analysis that is readily accessible by those whose primary concern is with the regional impacts of London HEIs. A “policy scepticism” has emerged that challenges the results of conventional regional HEI impact analyses. This denial of the importance of the expenditure impacts of HEIs appears to be based on a belief in either a binding regional resource constraint or a regional public sector budget constraint. In this paper we provide a systematic critique of this policy scepticism. However, while rejecting the extreme form of policy scepticism, we argue that it is crucial to recognise the importance of alternative uses of public expenditure, and show how conventional impact analyses can be augmented to accommodate this. While our results suggest that conventional impact studies overestimate the expenditure impacts of HEIs, they also demonstrate that the policy scepticism that treats these expenditure effects as irrelevant neglects some key aspects of HEIs, in particular their export intensity.
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We reformulate neoclassical consumer choice by focusing on lambda, the marginal utility of money. As the opportunity cost of current expenditure, lambda is approximated by the slope of the indirect utility function of the continuation. We argue that lambda can largely supplant the role of an arbitrary budget constraint in partial equilibrium analysis. The result is a better grounded, more flexible and more intuitive approach to consumer choice.
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There has been much debate regarding the electoral strategy adopted by New Labour in the lead-up to and then during their time in government. This paper addresses the issue from the perspective of left/right and libertarian/authoritarian considerations by examining data on individual attitudes from the British Social Attitudes survey between 1986 and 2009. The analysis indicates that New Labour’s move towards the right on economic and public policy was the main driver towards attracting new centrist voters and could thus be labelled ‘broadly’ populist. The move towards a tougher stance on law and order was more ‘narrowly’ populist in that it was used more to minimise the reduction in support from Labour’s traditional base on the left than to attract new votes.
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This position paper considers the devolution of further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in the context of the objectives and remit of the Smith Commission. The argument builds on our discussion of fiscal decentralization made in our previous published work on this topic. We ask what sort of budget constraint the Scottish Parliament should operate with. A soft budget constraint (SBC) allows the Scottish Parliament to spend without having to consider all of the tax and, therefore, political consequences, of that spending, which is effectively the position at the moment. The incentives to promote economic growth through fiscal policy – on both the tax and spending sides are weak to non-existent. This is what the Scotland Act, 1998, and the continuing use of the Barnett block grant, gave Scotland. Now other budget constraints are being discussed – those of the Calman Commission (2009) and the Scotland Act (2012), as well as the ones offered in 2014 by the various political parties – Scottish Conservatives, Scottish Greens, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Liberal Democrats and the Scottish Government. There is also the budget constraint designed by the Holtham Commission (2010) for Wales that could just as well be used in Scotland. We examine to what extent these offer the hard budget constraint (HBC) that would bring tax policy firmly into the realm of Scottish politics, asking the Scottish electorate and Parliament to consider the costs to them of increasing spending in terms of higher taxes; or the benefits to them of using public spending to grow the tax base and own-sourced taxes? The hardest budget constraint of all is offered by independence but, as is now known, a clear majority of those who voted in the referendum did not vote for this form of budget constraint. Rather they voted for a significant further devolution of fiscal powers while remaining within a political and monetary union with the rest of the UK, with the risk pooling and revenue sharing that this implies. It is not surprising therefore that none of the budget constraints on offer, apart from the SNP’s, come close to the HBC of independence. However, the almost 25% fall in the price of oil since the referendum, a resource stream so central to the SNP’s economic policy making, underscores why there is a need for a trade off between a HBC and risk pooling and revenue sharing. Ranked according to the desirable characteristic of offering something approaching a HBC the least desirable are those of the Calman Commission, the Scotland Act, 2012, and Scottish Labour. In all of these the ‘elasticity’ of the block grant in the face of failure to grow the Scottish tax base is either not defined or is very elastic – meaning that the risk of failure is shuffled off to taxpayers outside of Scotland. The degree of HBC in the Scottish Conservative, Scottish Greens and Scottish Liberal Democrats proposals are much more desirable from an economic growth point of view, the latter even embracing the HBC proposed by the Holtham Commission that combines serious tax policy with welfare support in the long-run. We judge that the budget constraint in the SNP’s proposals is too hard as it does not allow for continuation of the ‘welfare union’ in the UK. We also consider that in the case of a generalized UK economic slow requiring a fiscal stimulus that the Scottish Parliament be allowed increased borrowing to be repaid in the next economic upturn.
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PTSA és el projecte resultat del desenvolupament de la Plataforma Telemàtica de Serveis Administratius proposada com a iniciativa per l'Ajuntament de Ripollet. Amb l'objectiu de promoure la utilització dels canals de comunicació segurs entre el ciutadà i l'Administració, aporta els serveis d'acreditació, registre i consulta. Integrada amb el portal ripollet.cat, implementa les tecnologies per al tractament de l'acreditació d'usuaris mitjançant certificació digital i la generació dinàmica de documents signats electrònicament. Dins el marc d'execució de la llei 11/2007 d'accés electrònic dels ciutadans als serveis públics, és un gran primer pas en el llarg camí amb destinació a una Administració electrònica completa i de qualitat.
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This consultation was intended to test public opinion on proposed changes to the law regulating the sale of alcohol in Northern Ireland. The proposed changes relate to- regulating the sale of alcohol in supermarkets and off-sales premises- regulating the sale of alcohol in pubs and other on-sales premises- regulating private member clubs- codes of practice Key points from IPH response - IPH welcomes the opportunity to submit our views on this review of regulations related to the sale and supply of alcohol in Northern Ireland. IPH notes that the reduction of alcohol-related harm is a stated aim of the review. - International evidence clearly supports the role of regulation of the sale and supply of alcohol in reducing alcohol consumption and in reducing alcohol-related harm. - The consultation document does not present any meaningful estimation of the scale or nature of potential positive or negative effects on alcohol-related harm arising from the proposed changes. On this basis, IPH recommends that a Health Impact Assessment should be conducted on the proposed regulations. - IPH shares the concerns raised in respect of increases in the number of people drinking at home and the availability of large volumes of low cost alcohol in supermarkets. In this regard, we welcome the proposals to enhance the regulation of sale of alcohol in mixed trading premises by more stringent structural separation measures and restricted advertising. - IPH wishes to emphasise the importance of the work underway to explore the introduction of minimum unit pricing of alcohol on the island of Ireland as this measure will be significant in enhancing the proposals on regulating sale of alcohol in mixed trading premises - In light of evidence of increased alcohol consumption and harm associated with increased hours and days of sale of alcohol, IPH does not support the proposal to introduce additional late opening hours or extended drinking up time.
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IPH welcomes the Regulator’s Social Action Plan as one of a range of policy measures needed to tackle escalating fuel poverty in Northern Ireland. The Social Action Plan relates to how energy suppliers and networks respond to the needs of vulnerable customers. The submission discusses the definition of vulnerable customers used by energy suppliers and calls for special consideration of householders with multiple vulnerabilities. IPH also calls for special attention to be paid to the development of appropriate social tarrifs and supports for debt management. Key messages • The Institute of Public Health in Ireland (IPH) views this social action plan as a welcome contribution to the range of policy measures needed to tackle escalating fuel poverty in Northern Ireland. • The activities and ethos of energy suppliers plays a significant role in alleviating fuel poverty and the threats posed to health when living in a cold, damp and energy inefficient home. • IPH shares the view of the World Health Organisation that more evidence is needed to demonstrate the real impact of corporate social responsibility in the provision of goods and services vital to health and well-being, such as fuel and water.
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Children Order Advisory Committee discussion paper on separate representation of children in private law proceedings