969 resultados para Constitutional judge
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Relatório de estágio de mestrado em Ciências da Comunicação (área de especialização em Informação e Jornalismo)
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Administrativo
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OBJECTIVE: To study the distribution and inter-relationship among constitutional and biochemical variables with blood pressure (BP) in an population of Yanomami indians. To compare these findings with those of other populations. METHODS: The Yanomami indians were part of the INTERSALT, a study comprising 10,079 males and females, aged from 20 to 59 years, belonging to 52 populations in 32 countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe. Each of the 52 centers was required to accrue 200 individuals, 25 participants in each age group. The variables analyzed were as follows: age, sex, arterial BP, urinary sodium and potassium excretion (24-hour urine), body mass index, and alcohol ingestion. RESULTS: The findings in the Yanomami population were as follows: a very low urinary sodium excretion (0.9 mmol/24h); mean systolic and diastolic BP levels of 95.4 mmHg and 61.4 mmHg, respectively; no cases of hypertension or obesity; and they have no knowledge of alcoholic beverages. Their BP levels do not elevate with age. The urinary sodium excretion relates positively and the urinary potassium excretion relates negatively to systolic BP. This correlation was maintained even when controlled for age and body mass index. CONCLUSION: A positive relation between salt intake and blood pressure was detected in the analysis of a set of diverse populations participating in the INTERSALT Study, including populations such as the Yanomami Indians. The qualitative observation of their lifestyle provided additional information.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Gestão e Políticas Públicas
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A natural chromosomal race of Tityus babiensis (Scorpiones Buthidae) is described in the present paper. Five males and seven females received from St. Joaquim, State of S. Paulo, gave the following interesting results: All the spermatogonia of the five males were provided with 9 chromosomes of different sizes. All primary spermatocytes showed at metaphase one independent bivalent of normal shape and a complex group formed by 7 chromosomes which have exchanged parts. Some of the chromosomes associated in the complex group, to Judge by their behavior, were composed of fragments of three different chromosomes, being thus paired with three other members of the compound group. The manner in which all the 7 components of the group have paired with each other showed to be very constant. They gave always origin to a double-cross configuration, the longst branch of which being formed by a long chromosome paired with two components of the group and with a third chromosome that did not belong to the group. The chromosomes of the independent bivalent separate regularly, going to different poles. From the 7 elements of the compound group, 4 go to one pole and 3 to the opposite one. Consequently, secondary spermatocytes with 4 and 5 chromosomes are produced. The females, so far as it can be inferred from the study of the follicular cells of the ovariuterus, have 10 chromosomes. These females are, therefore, considered as being monogametic, that is, as producing eggs with 5 chromosomes. A sex-determining mechanism arose in this manner, the spermatozoa with 5 chromosomes giving origin to females and those with 4 to males. The fact that the sex chromosome is one of the elements taking part in the formation of the group, seems highly interesting to the author. Tetraploid cysts have been occasionally found in the testis. In one individual the chromosomes of the tetraploid primary spermatocytes behaved as expected, forming a group of 14 elements, and two independent pairs or a tetravalent group In another individual, the chromosomes of the tetraploid cells have formed two independent groups of 7, and two independent pairs, as if both chromosomal sets were by their turn entirely independent frcm one another. This fact is certainly not devoid of special interest. The males as well as the females studied in this paper differed in nothing from the typical members of the species. The unique differential character of the new race is found in the umber and behavior of its chromosomes. It is highly remarkable that the occurrences which have transformed the 6 chromosomes normally present in the species into a new set of 9 elements, 7 of which have been profoun- dly altered in their structure, do not show any influence on the morphology of the organism. This fact, together with those found in the salivary-chromosomes races of Drosophila and Sciara. compromises strongly the genetical concept of position effects.
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Consabido que para uma sociedade organizada se desenvolver política e juridicamente, indispensável se faz a existência de um documento formal, dotado de observância obrigatória, capaz de definir as competências públicas e delimitar os poderes do Estado, resguardando os direitos fundamentais de eventuais abusos dos entes políticos. Este documento é a Constituição, que, em todos os momentos da história, sempre se fez presente nos Estados, mas, inicialmente, não de forma escrita, o que fez com que surgisse, então, o constitucionalismo, movimento que defendia a necessidade de elaboração de constituições escritas, munidas de normatividade e supremacia em relação às demais espécies normativas, que visassem organizar a separação dos poderes estatais e declarar os direitos e as liberdades individuais. Porém, de nada adiantaria a edição de uma Lei Maior sem que houvesse mecanismos de defesa, no intuito de afastar qualquer ameaça à segurança jurídica e à estabilidade social, por conta de alguma lei ou ato normativo contrário aos preceitos estabelecidos na Constituição. O controle de constitucionalidade, pilar do Estado de Direito, consiste em verificar a compatibilidade entre uma lei ou qualquer ato normativo infraconstitucional e a Lei Excelsa e, em havendo contraste, a lei ou o ato viciado deverá ser expurgado do ordenamento jurídico, para que a unidade constitucional seja restabelecida. No Brasil, o controle de constitucionalidade foi instituído sob forte influência do modelo norte-americano e obteve diversos tratamentos ao longo das constituições brasileiras, porém, o sistema de fiscalização de constitucionalidade teve seu ápice com o advento da atual Constituição Federal, promulgada em 05.10.88, com a criação de instrumentos processuais inovadores destinados à verificação da constitucionalidade das leis e atos normativos. Além disso, a Carta da República de 1988, ao contrário das anteriores, fortaleceu a figura do Poder Judiciário no contexto político, conferindo, assim, maior autonomia aos magistrados na solução de casos de grande repercussão nacional, redundando em um protagonismo judicial atual. Nesse contexto, o Supremo Tribunal Federal, órgão de cúpula do Judiciário nacional e guardião da Constituição, tem se destacado no cenário nacional, em especial na defesa dos direitos e garantias fundamentais insculpidos na Lei Fundamental, fazendo-se necessária, desta forma, uma análise na jurisprudência da Corte, no sentido de verificar se, de fato, tem havido evolução no controle de constitucionalidade no Brasil ao longo dos últimos anos e, em caso afirmativo, em que circunstâncias isso tem se dado.
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A presente dissertação busca abordar a questão da restrição ao direito fundamental de liberdade da pessoa toxicodependente no Brasil, consistente, precisamente, na internação forçada para o tratamento de sua saúde e/ou para a segurança pública, sob o olhar do princípio constitucional da dignidade da pessoa humana em suas dimensões positiva, que exige uma obrigação de fazer por parte do Estado, e negativa, que cobra deste uma postura omissiva de proteção, em torno de um mesmo indivíduo; sem se olvidar do interesse público na execução da medida. Para tanto, ao longo do trabalho, a legislação brasileira atinente ao tema é posta em comparação com a sua correspondente portuguesa e, à luz, basicamente, das doutrinas desses países, são examinados direitos afetos à liberdade individual e ao direito social à saúde, sob a costura do apontado princípio estruturante das respectivas Constituições, de modo a permitir a visualização do amparo da medida restritiva no texto maior brasileiro e, ao final, uma análise crítica à ponderação de bens (direitos) realizada pelo legislador ordinário, com possíveis soluções para a sua aplicação em concreto, quando da análise da proporcionalidade da intervenção da liberdade pelo Poder Judiciário.
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Constitutional arrangements affect the decisions made by a society. We study how this effect leads to preferences of citizens over constitutions; and ultimately how this has a feedback that determines which constitutions can survive in a given society. Constitutions are stylized here, to consist of a voting rule for ordinary business and possibly different voting rule for making changes to the constitution. We deffine an equilibrium notion for constitutions, called self-stability, whereby under the rules of a self-stable constitution, the society would not vote to change the constitution. We argue that only self-stable constitutions will endure. We prove that self-stable constitutions always exist, but that most constitutions (even very prominent ones) may not be self-stable for some societies. We show that constitutions where the voting rule used to amend the constitution is the same as the voting rule used for ordinary business are dangerously simplistic, and there are (many) societies for which no such constitution is self-stable rule. We conclude with a characterization of the set of self-stable constitutions that use majority rule for ordinary business.
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Moral values infuence individual behavior and social interactions. A specially signif- cant instance is the case of moral values concerning work e¤ort. Individuals determine what they take to be proper behaviour and judge the others, and themselves, accordingly. They increase their esteem -and self-esteem- for those who perform in excess of the standard and decrease their esteem for those who work less. These changes in self-esteem result from the self-regulatory emotions of guilt or pride extensively studied in Social Psychology. We examine the interactions between sentiments, individual behaviour and the social contract in a model of rational voting over redistribution where individual self-esteem and relative es-teem for others are endogenously determined. Individuals di¤er in their productivities. The desired extent of redistribution depends both on individual income and on individual attitudes toward others. We characterize the politico-economic equilibria in which sentiments, labor supply and redistribution are simultaneously determined. The model has two types of equilibria. In "cohesive" equilibria, all individuals conform to the standard of proper behav- iour, income inequality is low and social esteem is not biased toward any particular type. Under these conditions equilibrium redistribution increases in response to larger inequality. In a "clustered" equilibrium skilled workers work above the mean while unskilled workers work below. In such an equilibrium, income inequality is large and sentiments are biased in favor of the industrious. As inequality increases, this bias may eventually overtake the egoistic demand for greater taxation and equilibrium redistribution decreases. The type of equilibrium that emerges crucially depends on inequality. We contrast the predictions of the model with data on inequality, redistribution, work values and attitudes toward work and toward the poor for a set of OECD countries.
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El control electrònic s'ha aplicat a l'àmbit comparat, principalment, com a instrument de control de l'arrest domiciliari com a mesura cautelar i com a pena, i també en l'àmbit penitenciari junt a formes de compliment de la pena de presó en semillibertat. Des d'una justificació retribucionista de la pena es pot acceptar el control electrònic perquè té suficiència punitiva, pot aplicar-se de forma proporcional i no es degradant. D'altra banda, una justificació utilitarista de la pena accepta el control electrònic perquè redueix la delinqüència. Tot i que la seva aplicació a l'àmbit comparat no ha estat majoritàriament com a alternativa a la presó, es tracta d'un instrument que pot conferir credibilitat i potencial reduccionista a un sistema de penes alternatives. A l'ordenament espanyol pot considerar-se una mesura susceptible de ser aplicada dins el marc constitucional, malgrat afecti a determinats drets fonamentals. La seva previsió normativa com a pena i a l'àmbit penitenciari es molt escassa i presenta diversos problemes interpretatius. Quant a la seva aplicació a España, es reduïda a l'àmbit penitenciari i pràcticament inexistent com a pena. La credibilitat i potencial reduccionista que pot aportar el control electrònic a un sistema de penes alternatives permet defensar l'ampliació del seu ús al nostre ordenament en els supòsits ja previstos normativament i en d'altres de nous.
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The aim of this retrospective study was to compare the clinical and radiographic results after TKA (PFC, DePuy), performed either by computer assisted navigation (CAS, Brainlab, Johnson&Johnson) or by conventional means. Material and methods: Between May and December 2006 we reviewed 36 conventional TKA performed between 2002 and 2003 (group A) and 37 navigated TKA performed between 2005 and 2006 (group B) by the same experienced surgeon. The mean age in group A was 74 years (range 62-90) and 73 (range 58-85) in group B with a similar age distribution. The preoperative mechanical axes in group A ranged from -13° varus to +13° valgus (mean absolute deviation 6.83°, SD 3.86), in group B from -13° to +16° (mean absolute deviation 5.35, SD 4.29). Patients with a previous tibial osteotomy or revision arthroplasty were excluded from the study. Examination was done by an experienced orthopedic resident independent of the surgeon. All patients had pre- and postoperative long standing radiographs. The IKSS and the WOMAC were utilized to determine the clinical outcome. Patient's degree of satisfaction was assessed on a visual analogous scale (VAS). Results: 32 of the 37 navigated TKAs (86,5%) showed a postoperative mechanical axis within the limits of 3 degrees of valgus or varus deviation compared to only 24 (66%) of the 36 standard TKAs. This difference was significant (p = 0.045). The mean absolute deviation from neutral axis was 3.00° (range -5° to +9°, SD: 1.75) in group A in comparison to 1.54° (range -5° to +4°, SD: 1.41) in group B with a highly significant difference (p = 0.000). Furthermore, both groups showed a significant postoperative improvement of their mean IKSS-values (group A: 89 preoperative to 169 postoperative, group B 88 to 176) without a significant difference between the two groups. Neither the WOMAC nor the patient's degree of satisfaction - as assessed by VAS - showed significant differences. Operation time was significantly higher in group B (mean 119.9 min.) than in group A (mean 99.6 min., p <0.000). Conclusion: Our study showed consistent significant improvement of postoperative frontal alignment in TKA by computer assisted navigation (CAS) compared to standard methods, even in the hands of a surgeon well experienced in standard TKA implantation. However, the follow-up time of this study was not long enough to judge differences in clinical outcome. Thus, the relevance of computer navigation for clinical outcome and survival of TKA remains to be proved in long term studies to justify the longer operation time. References 1 Stulberg SD. Clin Orth Rel Res. 2003;(416):177-84. 2 Chauhan SK. JBJS Br. 2004;86(3):372-7. 3 Bäthis H, et al. Orthopäde. 2006;35(10):1056-65.
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We identify a number of elements of the current Spanish system of regional financing that do not conform satisfactorily to the principles of equity, autonomy and efficiency that should inspire its design. Our main conclusion is that although the system presents a series of shortcomings that would require an in-depth reform, its basic focus on the equalization of the service provision capacity of all regional governments should be preserved because it is in accordance with the constitutional guarantee of equal rights for all citizens and with notions of horizontal equity that are widely shared in our country. In fact, the main shortcoming of the system is, in our opinion, that it does not fully guarantee such equality in practice. Additional weaknesses of the system are its lack of transparency, the absence of mechanisms to maintain vertical equilibrium across the different levels of the administration and a significant deficit of fiscal autonomy and responsibility on the pa
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A major achievement of new institutionalism in economics and political science is the formalisation of the idea that certain policies are more efficient when administered by a politically independent organisation. Based on this insight, several policy actors and scholars criticise the European Community for relying too much on a multi-task, collegial, and politicised organisation, the European Commission. This raises important questions, some constitutional (who should be able to change the corresponding procedural rules?) and some political-economic (is Europe truly committed to free and competitive markets?). Though acknowledging the relevance of legal and normative arguments, this paper contributes to the debate with a positive political-scientific perspective. Based on the view that institutional equilibria raise the question of equilibrium institutions, it shows that collegiality was (a) an equilibrium institution during the Paris negotiations of 1950-51; and (b) an institutional equilibrium for the following 50 years. The conclusion points to some recent changes in the way that European competition policy is implemented, and discusses how these affect the “constitutional” principle of collegial European governance.
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This position paper considers the devolution of further fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in the context of the objectives and remit of the Smith Commission. The argument builds on our discussion of fiscal decentralization made in our previous published work on this topic. We ask what sort of budget constraint the Scottish Parliament should operate with. A soft budget constraint (SBC) allows the Scottish Parliament to spend without having to consider all of the tax and, therefore, political consequences, of that spending, which is effectively the position at the moment. The incentives to promote economic growth through fiscal policy – on both the tax and spending sides are weak to non-existent. This is what the Scotland Act, 1998, and the continuing use of the Barnett block grant, gave Scotland. Now other budget constraints are being discussed – those of the Calman Commission (2009) and the Scotland Act (2012), as well as the ones offered in 2014 by the various political parties – Scottish Conservatives, Scottish Greens, Scottish Labour, the Scottish Liberal Democrats and the Scottish Government. There is also the budget constraint designed by the Holtham Commission (2010) for Wales that could just as well be used in Scotland. We examine to what extent these offer the hard budget constraint (HBC) that would bring tax policy firmly into the realm of Scottish politics, asking the Scottish electorate and Parliament to consider the costs to them of increasing spending in terms of higher taxes; or the benefits to them of using public spending to grow the tax base and own-sourced taxes? The hardest budget constraint of all is offered by independence but, as is now known, a clear majority of those who voted in the referendum did not vote for this form of budget constraint. Rather they voted for a significant further devolution of fiscal powers while remaining within a political and monetary union with the rest of the UK, with the risk pooling and revenue sharing that this implies. It is not surprising therefore that none of the budget constraints on offer, apart from the SNP’s, come close to the HBC of independence. However, the almost 25% fall in the price of oil since the referendum, a resource stream so central to the SNP’s economic policy making, underscores why there is a need for a trade off between a HBC and risk pooling and revenue sharing. Ranked according to the desirable characteristic of offering something approaching a HBC the least desirable are those of the Calman Commission, the Scotland Act, 2012, and Scottish Labour. In all of these the ‘elasticity’ of the block grant in the face of failure to grow the Scottish tax base is either not defined or is very elastic – meaning that the risk of failure is shuffled off to taxpayers outside of Scotland. The degree of HBC in the Scottish Conservative, Scottish Greens and Scottish Liberal Democrats proposals are much more desirable from an economic growth point of view, the latter even embracing the HBC proposed by the Holtham Commission that combines serious tax policy with welfare support in the long-run. We judge that the budget constraint in the SNP’s proposals is too hard as it does not allow for continuation of the ‘welfare union’ in the UK. We also consider that in the case of a generalized UK economic slow requiring a fiscal stimulus that the Scottish Parliament be allowed increased borrowing to be repaid in the next economic upturn.
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D'une manière générale, la confiance est un « lubrifiant » (Arrow, 1974) facilitant les relations sociales (eg Luhmann, 1968, Giddens, 1984, Zucker, 1986). D'un point de vue économique, un environnement institutionnel bénéficiant d'une confiance élevée serait corrélé avec la performance de l'économie nationale (eg Dyer and Chu, 2003). La confiance, en tant que capital social, permettrait et engendrerait des comportements altruistes et coopératifs impactant et soutenant la prospérité économique d'une communauté (Fukuyama, 1995). Dans un cadre organisationnel, la confiance engendre une communication plus ouverte et facilite l'échange d'information (eg Smith and Barclay, 1997, Currall and Judge, 1995), facilite la gestion des conflits (eg Blomqvist, 2002), l'apprentissage commun (eg Bijlsma-Frankema, 2004) ou diminue les coûts d'intégration (eg Bidault and Jarillo, 1995), par exemple.