Perceção da terminologia legal e dos procedimentos judiciais por menores em conflito com a lei

Todos os seres humanos, independentemente da sua fase no ciclo vital ou qualquer tipo de condição, são seres plenos de direitos e merecem ser tratados com dignidade e respeito. Os jovens, por se encontrarem numa etapa inicial do desenvolvimento humano, requerem atenção e assistência especiais. A presença de crianças e jovens envolvidos no sistema de justiça é cada vez mais frequente e devido à sua idade precoce, inúmeras leis e documentos foram desenvolvidos para proteger os menores, com o objetivo de fornecer uma justiça adaptada à sua maturidade cognitiva e emocional em todas as fases do processo judicial (antes, durante e após). Quando estas questões são referentes a jovens na qualidade de ofensores, tomam particular pertinência, devido à possibilidade do seu direito de defesa ficar comprometido. Uma vez que, em Portugal, a literatura existente acerca de como o sistema de justiça interage com os jovens em conflito com a Lei é escassa, o presente estudo é revestido de particular pertinência. Assim, esta investigação visa apresentar um estudo quantitativo que pretende compreender a perceção que os jovens em conflito com a Lei têm da terminologia legal e dos procedimentos judiciais. A recolha de dados realizou-se baseada no método de inquérito suportado pela técnica de questionário fechado. Elaborou-se um instrumento constituído por 69 questões dicotómicas, com um tempo de realização estimado de 15 minutos. Para a realização da investigação foram obtidas as autorizações necessárias (i.e. Comissão de Ética da Universidade Fernando Pessoa e Direção Geral de Reinserção e Serviços Prisionais) e os respetivos consentimentos informados dos participantes. Os resultados revelam que, em geral, os jovens inquiridos têm um relativo bom conhecimento da terminologia legal e dos procedimentos judiciais que ocorreram durante o processo tutelar de que foram alvo. Verificou-se uma diferença de conhecimento/experiência significativa entre os Centros Educativos do Porto e da Guarda, sendo que os jovens do Porto revelarem maiores conhecimentos que os jovens da Guarda. Apesar dos jovens apresentarem conhecimento acerca do sistema, existem determinadas lacunas às quais se deve atentar. Assim, depreende-se que o sistema jurídico português possa estar a empenhar-se de forma a cumprir as normas e legislações nacionais e internacionais e garantir o bem-estar e esclarecimento do jovem em conflito com a lei. Contudo, reconhece-se que é da responsabilidade dos intervenientes judiciais com contacto direto com a criança (e.g. advogado, juiz) esta função, pelo que os lapsos identificados devem ser colmatados de forma a garantir que o jovem seja (como é) um cidadão pleno de direitos e dignidade quando contacta com o sistema jurídico.

Tid, rum och självbestämmande : Möjligheter och hinder i vardagen för äldre personer med intellektuell funktionsnedsättning på gruppboende

People with intellectual disability are living longer, which creates new demands for the support and care of this target group. Participation and autonomy at all ages, regardless of functional capacity, are cited in legislation and among the key objectives of disability policy. As a group, older people with intellectual disability have previously been almost invisible in both policy documents and research. Information regarding this group is thus limited, and more systematic knowledge is needed about older people with intellectual disability, their daily lives, and especially their opportunities for autonomy. The purpose of this thesis is to learn more about the role of influence and autonomy in everyday life from the perspective of older people with intellectual disability living in group homes. This will be achieved by studying situations in which opportunities and obstacles arise for these residents to exercise their autonomy in daily life, and identifying and analysing how autonomy is expressed in the meeting between residents and staff. The study applies an ethnographic approach, using methods including field studies with observations and videotaped meetings between residents and staff. The sample consists of residents aged 65 and over and staff at three group homes for people with intellectual disability. One resident at each group home is followed in greater depth. The analysis uses the time-geographic concepts of project, activity and restrictions in order to clarify where and when different projects are carried out, as well as who has the power to determine what is to be carried out. Interaction analysis is used to analyse the videotaped meetings between residents and staff. The analysis is based on Goffman’s interaction order and interaction rituals, theories about turntaking, both verbal and non-verbal, and theories about power and counter-power. In accordance with Goffman’s framework concept, the starting point is the concrete framework that reflects spatiality, which in turn becomes a way to place the more abstract framework of the situation into a specific context. Two major projects were identified: Sleep and Rest and Meals. The analysis reveals projects that are governed by the resident’s own preferences (individual projects) and projects that are governed to a greater degree by the staff’s objectives and opportunities (institutional projects). Some guidance also derives from municipal decisions and guidelines (organizational projects). Many projects were carried out based on staff decisions and objectives, but in actual practice many projects failed to get off the ground. Some projects were at risk of failure until something happened or someone intervened and thereby rescued the project so that it could be implemented. The interactional analysis perspective shows how autonomy is constructed in the meeting. Autonomy is situation-bound, and shifts more on the basis of context than in relation to specific individuals. The study includes decision situations mainly between autonomy and its opposite, paternalism, which are viewed as extremes on a continuum. However, certain factors lead to stronger autonomy in certain situations. When a resident can define the situation, they also have greater power to determine the outcome. In situations characterized by paternalism, the staff have a preferential right of interpretation and the power to decide, both on the basis of their knowledge and because of the asymmetrical interdependence that characterizes the resident-professional relationship. Such situations are also governed by the rules and procedures of the group home to a greater degree than those situations in which the resident exercises autonomy. The thesis discusses strategies that could increase the residents’ opportunities for autonomy. Greater communication skills among staff can be viewed as a step on the path toward greater autonomy for the residents. Staff have the potential to eliminate obstacles, to strengthen inadequate skills or create new ones by providing choices and assistive devices, and to exercise an affirmative approach.

La subrogation légale de l’assureur en vertu du Code civil : historique, développements et aspects procéduraux

En assurance de dommages, l’article 2474 C.c.Q. prévoit la possibilité pour l’assureur d’être légalement subrogé dans les droits de l’assuré contre l’auteur du préjudice, à concurrence des indemnités qu’il a payées. L’assureur ne pourra jamais être subrogé contre les personnes faisant partie de la maison de l’assuré. Dans un premier temps, le présent mémoire fait un survol historique du droit à la subrogation de l’assureur en vertu du Code civil. Depuis la codification de 1865, les principes relatifs à la subrogation de l’assureur ne sont pas demeurés statiques. Ils firent l’objet de plusieurs modifications législatives et de nombreuses controverses et développements jurisprudentiels. Dans un deuxième temps, un portrait global de l’état actuel du droit est dressé en ce qui concerne l’article 2474 C.c.Q., tant sur le plan des composantes du droit à la subrogation que de ses aspects procéduraux.

Policy directive

The purpose of this policy is to facilitate the flow of information between the South Carolina Department of Public Safety, the news media and the general public, while protecting the rights of both the defendants and the prosecuting authorities in pending cases from exposure to prejudicial publicity. The DPS is committed to and recognizes the right of the general public and the news media to be fully and accurately informed about all matters of public interest regarding DPS. This policy will assure that the release of information meets the needs of the general public and news media without infringing on an individual’s right to privacy or interfering with the process of conducting a fair and impartial trial.

Direito Fundamental de Iniciativa Privada, Branqueamento de Capitais e Terrorismo

1-Resumo: A iniciativa privada é um Direito humano fundamental que está consagrado nos ordenamentos jurídicos modernos. No caso português, na Constituição portuguesa. A Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos consagra o Direito à propriedade. E, por conseguinte, também a iniciativa privada. A iniciativa privada é tanto mais eficaz na sociedade, quanto mais democrático e livre for o Estado respectivo. A iniciativa privada está ligada ao financiamento público, mas também ao financiamento privado. Seja o financiamento de pessoas singulares, seja o financiamento de pessoas colectivas, organizações. O terrorismo pode ser financiado por outrem, assim como o terrorismo pode financiar actividades lícitas. Por acção ou por omissão. Assim, a isto tudo, está associado o ilícito de branqueamento de capitais. O crime de branqueamento pode ter por origem o crime de terrorismo e/ou o crime de organização terrorista. O branqueamento de capitais também pode servir para financiar o terrorismo. Neste contexto, se desenham zonas de contraste entre Direitos Humanos e Segurança. Entre crime e paz pública. Assim como se geram zonas de confluência entre Segurança e Direitos Humanos. O Direito Humano Fundamental à iniciativa privada e ao financiamento – passivo ou activo – pode sofrer restrições. As restrições podem existir desde que sejam proporcionais, adequadas, necessárias. Ou seja, as restrições têm que respeitar uma intervenção mínima. Assim, em nome da segurança, a prevenção do crime de terrorismo e do crime de branqueamento provoca novas dificuldades também ao próprio sistema económico capitalista. Provoca novas dificuldades ao Direito fundamental da iniciativa privada. Uma vez que o branqueamento de capitais, ou o próprio financiamento, podem estar associados ao crime de terrorismo.§ 1.1-Abstract: The private sector is a fundamental human right that is enshrined in modern legal systems. In the Portuguese case, in the Portuguese Constitution. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights enshrines the right to property. And therefore also the private sector. The private sector is much more effective in society, if the state is more democratic and free. Private initiative is linked to the public funding, but also to private funding. It could be the financing of individual persons, but also the financing of legal persons, organizations. Terrorism can be financed by others, as well as terrorism can finance legal activities. By act or omission. Thus, all this is associated with money laundering. Money laundering may have been originated in the crime of terrorism and / or in the crime of terrorist organization. Money laundering may also be used to finance terrorism. In this context, we have conflict zones between human rights and security. Between crime and public peace. As well as generates confluence zones between security and human rights. The Fundamental Human Right to the private sector and its financing - passive or active - can be restricted. Restrictions would be acceptable if are proportionate, appropriate and necessary. In other words, restrictions must comply with minimum intervention. So in the name of security, the prevention of the crime of terrorism and the Money laundering causes new difficulties also to the capitalist economic system. Causes new problems to the fundamental right of private enterprise. Money laundering or the financing itself may be associated with terrorist crime. The question is also: what could do the criminal lawmaker?

Itinerarios burocráticos y ciudadanía transitoria: un acercamiento al desplazamiento Emberá en Bogotá.

Del año 2013 al 2015, los indígenas Emberá desplazados en Bogotá, a causa del reconocimiento que el estado les dio por ser sujetos del desplazamiento, estuvieron obligados a encarar dos formas de gubernamentalidad estatal que tuvieron múltiples consecuencias en su vida cotidiana. La primera de estas formas de gubernamentalidad se manifestó en una ciudadanía multicultural (aquí llamada ciudadanía transitoria) la cual, desde el subsidio de vivienda reconocido con albergues en la ciudad, limitó diferentes derechos Emberá bajo el argumento multicultural de que en la ciudad la cultura y, ellos mismos físicamente, eran vulnerables. La consecuencia de este discurso, con el que se les permitió dormir en un techo digno, fue la de obligarlos en buena medida a asumir su vida en la ciudad como un transito hacia el retorno a su territorio de origen, desde donde habían salido, sobre todo, huyendo de la violencia. Por otra parte, la segunda forma de gubernamentalidad tuvo que ver con una serie de itinerarios burocráticos que asumían los Emberá una vez llegaban a la ciudad. Estos eran recorridos que emprendían por diferentes burocracias de los gobiernos nacional y local con el propósito de exigirle al estado el reconocimiento de sus derechos. En cada uno de estos recorridos se desenmascaraba una forma de violencia estatal (característica del funcionamiento de las burocracias) que, como se puede ver en esta tesis, tenía profundas repercusiones en el día a día de los indígenas Emberá dentro de la urbe.

Para una crítica de la educación democrática

El propósito central de este trabajo consiste en hacer un análisis crítico de la idea de educación democrática. Como hilo conductor se discute la tesis desarrollada por Amy Gutmann, según la cual, la educación democrática tiene como fin garantizar la reproducción consciente de la sociedad. En este contexto, la tesis que se defiende afirma que la educación democrática exige, además de los principios de no represión y la no discriminación desarrollados por Gutmann, un principio de reconocimiento, que articule la orientación de las acciones educativas a fuentes de normatividad asociadas con una interpretación intersubjetivista de la autonomía, de manera que se puedan generar más elementos de juicio, sobre todo, aquellos incorporados en las dimensiones moral, ética, política, legal y social de la persona, al momento de proponer prácticas educativas encaminadas a la formación de una ciudadanía participativa y crítica. Para esto se propone una interpretación que integra las perspectivas deliberativa y agonal de la democracia, se defiende que la expresión clave del ejercicio de la ciudadanía democrática es la participación, que el ejercicio de la participación tiene por condición la realización de la autonomía personal, por lo cual, en la parte final se elabora una lectura intersubjetivista de la autonomía, a partir de los trabajos de Axel Honneth y Rainer Forst.

Contribución de la misión de naciones unidas en Guatemala – Minugua, a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca (1994 a 2004)

El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.

Existencia del derecho penal del enemigo en el derecho penal internacional

Sin duda alguna, el debate sobre el derecho penal del enemigo es una cuestión que está revolucio­nando el mundo del derecho, en general, y el derecho internacional en particular. Es un debate de actualidad que está llamando la atención de la comunidad académica, en tanto se plantea y se avizora un problema de fondo, en cuanto a la efectiva protección de los derechos humanos, por encima de un discurso de seguridad, que se viene planteando como eje central en la comunidad internacional, en la lucha contra el terrorismo y como estrategia jurídico-política al interior de Estados que dicen llamarse democráticos. Esta situación está revolucionando desde cualquier punto de vista la concepción tradicional del derecho, violentando flagrantemente la dignidad humana como eje central del Estado Social de Derecho, al poner en práctica lo que Jakobs denomina “dere­cho penal del enemigo”, práctica que también se viene fortaleciendo y traspasándose del ejercicio del ius puniendi de los Estados, como manifestación de soberanía, al derecho penal internacional.Abstract Without any doubt, the debate about the penal right of the enemy is a question that is revolutionizing the world of law in a general level, and international right in particular. It is a current debate that is drawing the attention of the academic community, as it poses as a basic problem: the effective protection of the human rights, over a security discourse which is presented as central in the international community in the fight against terrorism, and as a legal-political strategy to the interior of the so called democratic States. This situation is revolutionizing, from different points of view, the traditional conception of law, flagrantly violenting the human dignity as the central axis of the Social State of Right, putting in practice what Jakobs denominates “Criminal law for the enemy”. This practice is being fortified and transferring from the exercise of ius puniendi of the States, as manifestation of sovereignty, to the international penal right.

El respeto a la formación de la identidad como un elemento esencial del derecho humano a la identidad de las personas menores

ResumenLa identidad de una persona, adultos/as o niños/as, es un conjunto de características que particularizan a ese ser humano. Desde la infancia y hasta avanzada la edad adulta se van erigiendo rasgos que servirán para afianzar una identidad propia; la mayoría de estas características se toman a muy temprana edad y por lo tanto, debe delimitarse muy bien no solo el derecho que tienen las personas menores de edad a tener una identidad propia y estatalmente resguardada, sino también, se debe valorar y hacer respetar al derecho que tienen a formarla. Los instrumentos internacionales destinados a la protección de los derechos de las personas menoresasí como el Código de la Niñez y la Adolescencia costarricense, no delimitan claramente el derecho a la identidad en general y del todo son omisos en relación con el derecho de los/as infantes a conformar su identidad.Palabras clave: Derechos Humanos de las niñas y los niños, identidad, formación de la identidad, derecho a la identidad.AbstractThe identity of a person, adults or children, is a set of characteristics that distinguish that human being. Traits that will strengthen one’s own identity are erected from childhood to advanced adulthood; mostof these features are acquired at an early age and therefore, they should not only be delimited by the right minors have of their own and state protected identity, but also, their rights of identity formationshould be assessed and enforced. International instruments aimed at the protection of the rights of children, as well as the Costa Rican code of children and adolescents, do not clearly delimit the right to identity in general and are entirely neglectful in relation to the right of infants to shape their identity.Keywords: Human Rights of Children, identity, identity’s training, right to the identity.  

When the right to be counted doesn’t count : the politics and challenges of researching the health of asylum seekers

A fundamental prerequisite of population health research is the ability to establish an accurate denominator. This in turn requires that every individual in the study population is counted. However, this seemingly simple principle has become a point of conflict between researchers whose aim is to produce evidence of disparities in population health outcomes and governments whose policies promote(intentionally or not) inequalities that are the underlying causes of health disparities. Research into the health of asylum seekers is a case in point. There is a growing body of evidence documenting the adverse affects of recent changes in asylum-seeking legislation, including mandatory detention. However, much of this evidence has been dismissed by some governments as being unsound, biased and unscientific because, it is argued, evidence is derived from small samples or from case studies. Yet, it is the policies of governments that are the key barrier to the conduct of rigorous population health research on asylum seekers. In this paper, the authors discuss the challenges of counting asylum seekers and the limitations of data reported in some industrialized countries. They argue that the lack of accurate statistical data on asylum seekers has been an effective neo-conservative strategy for erasing the health inequalities in this vulnerable population, indeed a strategy that renders invisible this population. They describe some alternative strategies that may be used by researchers to obtain denominator data on hard-to-reach populations such as asylum seekers.

Right to asylum and border control : implications of european union policies on access to EU territory of people in need of international protection

Depuis plusieurs années, les États membres de l’Union européenne (UE) se soumettent à des politiques restrictives, en matière d’asile, qui les contraignent à respecter leur engagement de protéger les personnes qui fuient la persécution. Plusieurs politiques de dissuasion de l’UE sont controversées. Certaines ont d’abord été élaborées dans différents États, avant que l’UE ne mette en place une politique commune en matière d’asile. Certaines des ces politiques migratoires ont été copiées, et ont un effet négatif sur la transformation des procédures d’asile et du droit des réfugiés dans d’autres pays, tel le Canada. En raison des normes minimales imposées par la législation de l’UE, les États membres adoptent des politiques et instaurent des pratiques, qui sont mises en doute et sont critiquées par l’UNHCR et les ONG, quant au respect des obligations internationales à l'égard des droits de la personne. Parmi les politiques et les pratiques les plus critiquées certaines touchent le secteur du contrôle frontalier. En tentant de remédier à l’abolition des frontières internes, les États membres imposent aux demandeurs d’asile des barrières migratoires quasi impossibles à surmonter. Les forçant ainsi à s’entasser dans des centres de migration, au nord de l’Afrique, à rebrousser chemin ou encore à mourir en haute mer.

Constructions of asylum seekers and refugees in Australian political discourse

Immigration to Australia has long been the focus of negative political interest. In recent times, the proposal of exclusionary policies such as the Malaysia Deal in 2011 has fuelled further debate. In these debates, Federal politicians often describe asylum seekers and refugees as ‘illegal’, ‘queue jumpers’, and ‘boat people’. This paper investigates how the political discourse constructs asylum seekers and refugees during debates surrounding the Malaysia Deal in the Federal Parliament of Australia in 2011. Hansard Parliamentary debates were analysed to identify the underlying themes and constructions that permeate political discourse about asylum seekers and refugees. This paper argues that a dichotomous characterisation of legitimacy pervades their construction with this group constructed either as legitimate humanitarian refugees or as illegitimate ‘boat arrivals’. These constructions result in the misrepresentation of asylum seekers as illegitimate, undermining their right to protection under Australia’s laws and international obligations. This construction also represents a shift in federal political discourse from constructing asylum seekers as a border or security threat, towards an increasing preoccupation with this categorisation of people as legitimate, or illegitimate.

'Genuine' refugees or illegitimate 'boat people' : political constructions of asylum seekers and refugees in the Malaysia Deal debate

Immigration to Australia has long been the focus of negative political interest. In recent times, the proposal of exclusionary policies such as the Malaysia Deal in 2011 has fuelled further debate. In these debates, Federal politicians often describe asylum seekers and refugees as ‘illegal’, ‘queue jumpers’, and ‘boat people’. This article examines the political construction of asylum seekers and refugees during debates surrounding the Malaysia Deal in the Federal Parliament of Australia. Hansard parliamentary debates were analysed to identify the underlying themes and constructions that permeate political discourse about asylum seekers and refugees. We argue that asylum seekers arriving in Australia by boat were constructed as threatening to Australia’s national identity and border security, and were labelled as ‘illegitimate’. A dichotomous characterisation of legitimacy pervades the discourse about asylum seekers, with this group constructed either as legitimate humanitarian refugees or as illegitimate ‘boat arrivals’. Parliamentarians apply the label of legitimacy based on implicit criteria concerning the mode of arrival of asylum seekers, their respect for the so-called ‘queue’, and their ability to pay to travel to Australia. These constructions result in the misrepresentation of asylum seekers as illegitimate, undermining their right to protection under Australia’s laws and international obligations.