692 resultados para Weberian heroic liberalism
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This book consists of two main parts. The first part offers a basic methodological introduction, presenting a concise but multifaceted overview of current problems of collective memory. The second part contains a set of interviews with former prisoners of concentration camps carried out by the authors. The research was conducted by Paweł Greń and Łukasz Posłuszny and focuses on issues of collective and cultural memory illustrated by individual life experiences of concentration camps prisoners. The field of oral history serves as the framework of analysis and narrative inquiry as its research tool. Interviews and additional research materials were collected by the authors and are not available in previous publications, making this work a precious supplement to the current scholarly body of knowledge and achievements in the discipline of memory studies. According to the authors, current historical and literary publications provide an incomplete picture of the WWII and its aftermaths for survivors, because descriptions of the war and imprisonment in the camp play still a dominate role in narratives. The importance of these issues in autobiographies is unquestionable and highly needed to create a common identity among generation of prisoners, though authors often wanted to perceive the fate of individuals in a broader perspective – including the periods before and after the war. Hence, interviews stressed personal experiences and their understanding over time by former prisoners. The interviews covered many topics on life before, during and after the camp – among them daily and neutral routines, but also difficult matters. The latter were connected on the one hand with traumatic events or harsh memories and emotions, and on the other hand with less extensively highlighted threads of prisoners’ lives - such as issues of the body and sexuality – and their dependence on particular representation or narrative. The authors are convinced that the book serves not only as a record of past remembered by eyewitnesses, but it also depicts their accounts in wider contexts and discourses, which expose specific dimensions of told and written stories. In the book Questions for Memory one examine the approach proposed by young scholars. Interviews were conducted from 2009-2011, seventy years after the end of the second world war, and this initiative was the result of questions and doubts of the authors from the existing literature. They also wanted to use the unique opportunity to meet with eyewitnesses and record their stories, because when they pass away we will irretrievably lose the possibility to listen to them and to pose sensitive questions. The majority of the interviewees were prisoners of KL Auschwitz-Birkenau, and their experiences differed greatly from each other based on social background and specific experience in the camps as well as their post-camp and postwar life. Aside from persons whose stories are already well known and open, readers will hear the stories of those who spoke only reluctantly and very rarely, or who had remained silent until the present author’s research. Qualitative differences between interviews occurred on the level of established relationship and atmosphere of trust, which varied according to circumstances and individual character and personality. For P. Greń and Ł. Posłuszny, each interviewed person is equally and highly valued due to the collected material and the personal experience of the meetings. Among the ten interviews placed in the book, seven of them are the stories told by women. Their testimonies exemplify realities of everyday prisoners’ existence and gravitate towards mirroring specifically feminine perspectives of imprisonment. For women, crucial problems stemmed from experiences of body that intertwine with suffering, feeling of shame and humiliation. Early discussions on holocaust literature and issues of representation that shaped the Polish narrative and collective memory imposed imperatives of silence on certain topics. A solution for reconciling heroic and inhuman deeds in stories with completely human physiology was impossible and improper for many years. There were also questions about life after, ways of dealing with a trauma or reflections on the present time. During conversations the authors attempted to come closer to something distant and incomprehensible for their generation and for people who did not experience the camps. Despite the fact that there have been seventy years of dealing with these events in literature, art, drama, film, memoirs and scientific works, the past still breeds more questions than answers. The book Questions for Memory serves as an example of this phenomenon.
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The article discusses changes which neoliberal ideologies have triggered in counselling. Meeting the demands of liberalism in counselling is a challenge both to organisation and to people. As far as people are concerned, the argument is driven by such questions as: What is the human being of this system (homo consultans) like? What is his world? How does he relate to this world? The questions about counselling as organisation pertain to its objectives and goals. In the industrial era, counselling goals were of paternalistic nature, but in economy-dominated neoliberalism they are certainly different. At a time of neoliberalism, the counsellor faces the following dilemmas: How to gain the client? How to satisfy the client? How to reconcile ethical demands inscribed in the counselling mission with the economic preoccupations of neo-positivist ideologies? In response, three kinds of counselling emerge. Rehabilitative counselling is organised for people severely damaged by adversity. Existential counselling is organised for people whose biographical trajectory is disturbed by temporary problems. Career counselling is organised for people who chose their life-paths in the neoliberal realities.
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The idea of a cosmopolitan Europe continues to be central to contemporary debates within post-national citizenship. However, much of the writing in this area remains disconnected from the need to reinvent European social democracy that questions the centrality of work and racist nationalism. This article argues that a revived European Left would need to move beyond specifically liberal concerns with procedure to articulate a view of European futures that both deconstructed neo-liberalism and embraced more convivial collective futures. This would entail the combination of a post-material politics that sought to critique the centrality of employment while granting citizens a basic income or forms of civic labour and a more concerted attempt to break with a racialized politics based upon the fear of the ‘Other’. In conclusion, it is argued that the urgent political task of the future is to reinvent a sense of Europeaness that has both a substantive content, but that does not become mobilized by an exclusive cultural politics.
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The ‘heroic life’ or the life of the revolutionary is one that resists or even seeks to transcend the everyday and the ordinary. The ‘banal’ vulnerabilities of everyday life, however, continue to constitute the unseen, often unspoken background of such a heroic life. This article turns to women’s memories of everyday life spent ‘underground’ in the context of the late 1960s radical left Naxalbari movement of Bengal. Drawing upon recent published memoirs and my own field interviews with middle class female (and male) activists, I outline the ways in which revolutionary femininity was imagined and lived in the everyday life of this political movement. I focus, in particular, on the gendered and classed nature of political labour, the gendering of revolutionary space, and finally, the extent to which everyday life in the ‘underground’ was a site of vulnerability and powerlessness, especially for women. I also signal how these memories of interpersonal conflict and everyday violence tend to remain buried under a collective mythicisation of the ‘heroic life’.
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L’idée selon laquelle les enfants sont des sujets à part entière de considérations de justice n’est pas très contestée. Les enfants ont des intérêts qui leur sont propres et ont un statut moral indépendant de leurs parents : ils ne sont ni la propriété de ces derniers ni une simple extension de leur personne. Pourtant, les travaux des plus grands théoriciens de la justice en philosophie politique contemporaine ne contiennent pas de discussion systématique du statut moral et politique des enfants et du contenu de nos obligations à leur égard. Cette thèse contribue à remédier à cette omission à travers l’examen de quatre grandes questions principales. (1) Quelles sont les obligations de justice de l’état libéral envers les enfants ? (2) Quels types de politiques publiques en matière d’éducation des enfants sont moralement légitimes ? (3) Jusqu’à quel point est-il moralement acceptable pour les parents de délibérément forger la vision du monde de leurs enfants ? (4) Quels critères moraux devraient guider l’élaboration de politiques en matière d’éducation morale dans les écoles ? Cette thèse est constituée de quatre articles. Le premier, « Political Liberalism and Children’s Education », aborde les questions du fondement normatif et des implications du principe de ‘neutralité éducative’ ou ‘anti-perfectionnisme éducatif’. Selon ce principe, il n’est pas légitime pour l’État libéral de délibérément promouvoir, à travers ses politiques publiques en éducation, une conception particulière de la vie bonne. L’article défend les idées suivantes. D’abord, ledit principe est exclusivement fondé sur des raisons de justice envers les parents. Ensuite, l’anti-perfectionnisme libéral n’est pas, pour autant, ‘mauvais pour les enfants’, puisqu’une vaste gamme d’interventions politiques dans la vie familiale et l’éducation des enfants sont, de manière surprenante, justifiables dans ce cadre théorique. Le deuxième article, « On the Permissibility of Shaping Children’s Values », examine la question de savoir si les parents ont un droit moral de forger délibérément l’identité, la conception du monde et les valeurs de leurs enfants. L’article développe une critique de la conception anti-perfectionniste des devoirs parentaux et propose un nouvel argument libéral à l’appui d’un droit parental conditionnel de forger l’identité de leurs enfants. L’article introduit également une distinction importante entre les notions d’éducation compréhensive et d’« enrôlement » compréhensif. Le troisième article, « Common Education and the Practice of Liberal Neutrality: The Loyola High School Case », défend trois thèses principales à travers une analyse normative de l’affaire juridique de l’école Loyola. Premièrement, il est légitime pour l’État libéral d’adopter un modèle d’éducation commune fort. Deuxièmement, la thèse selon laquelle la neutralité comme approche éducative serait impossible est injustifiée. Troisièmement, il existe néanmoins de bonnes raisons pour l’État libéral d’accommoder plusieurs écoles religieuses qui rejettent le modèle de la neutralité. Le quatrième article, « Which Moral Issues Should be Taught as Controversial? », critique à la fois le critère ‘épistémique’ dominant pour déterminer quels enjeux moraux devraient être enseignés aux jeunes comme ‘controversés’, et à la fois la manière dont le débat sur l’enseignement des enjeux controversés fut construit au cours des dernières années, d’un point de vue substantiel et méthodologique. L’article propose une manière alternative d’aborder le débat, laquelle prend adéquatement en compte la pluralité des objectifs de l’éducation et un ensemble d’autres considérations morales pertinentes.
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This article examines regulatory governance of the post-initial training market in The Netherlands. From an historical perspective on policy formation processes, it examines market formation in terms of social, economic, and cultural factors in the development of provision and demand for post-initial training; the roles of stakeholders in the longterm construction of regulatory governance of the market; regulation of and public providers; policy responses to market failure; and tripartite division of responsibilities between the state, social partners, commercial and publicly-funded providers. Historical description and analysis examine policy narratives of key stakeholders with reference to: a) influence of societal stakeholders on regulatory decision-making; b) state regulation of the post-initial training market; c) public intervention regulating the market to prevent market failure; d) market deregulation, competition, employability and individual responsibility; and, e) regulatory governance to prevent ‘allocative failure’ by the market in non-delivery of post-initial training to specific target groups, particularly the low-qualified. Dominant policy narratives have resulted in limited state regulation of the supply-side, a tripartite system of regulatory governance by the state, social partners and commercial providers as regulatory actors. Current policy discourses address interventions on the demand-side to redistribute structures of opportunity throughout the life courses of individuals. Further empirical research from a comparative historical perspective is required to deepen contemporary understandings of regulatory governance of markets and the commodification of adult learning in knowledge societies and information economies. (DIPF/Orig.)
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We approach marketization and commodification of adult education from multiple lenses including our personal narratives and neoliberalism juxtaposed against the educational philosophy of the Progressive Period. We argue that adult education occurs in many arenas including the public spaces found in social movements, community-based organizations, and government sponsored programs designed to engage and give voice to all citizens toward building a stronger civil society. We conclude that only when adult education is viewed from the university lens, where it focuses on the individual and not the public good, does it succumb to neoliberal forces. (DIPF/Orig.)
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This dissertation stands out the religious and social role of Christian religious minorities in Portuguese society, where the vast majority of the believers profess the Catholic faith. This work serves to demystify the widespread prejudice against minorities and clarify its place in the religious phenomenon in Portugal. We intend to define the concept of Religion, missing in the Portuguese legislation, framing it in Portuguese constitutional history, which allows us to evaluate the relations State/Catholic Church and State/religious minorities, since Liberalism. We attempt to measure how the legal system accepts the religious phenomenon and how to deal with religious diversity, according to the principle of religious freedom postulated in the Constitution of the Portuguese Republic. It is also our intention to relate the concepts of sect and religious minority, which tendentiously are misunderstood. In order to understand the underlying dynamics of religious minorities, we take the example of the Portuguese Evangelical Alliance, which we monitored closely throughout the investigation. We will give some space for a small analysis of the state and social discrimination experienced by the minorities. With this work we can conclude in general that Portugal, despite its weak religious diversity, has a good advance on the religious freedom. The Portuguese State has made a remarkable effort to cooperate with the churches, an effort that must be continued in order to fill some gaps found, particularly in the absence of legislation regarding the criminalization of religious discrimination and competence of the Committee on Religious Freedom in case of a possible complaint. We prove similarly that there is also a special attention to the Catholic Church in the composition of the Committee on Religious Freedom and the Committee Broadcast Time of Religious Confessions. In the end, we prove that the society is the major source of discrimination against minorities.
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This study aims to analyze the tectonic character of the works of Sergio Bernardes and Glauco Campello architects, built in Paraiba, between the turn of the decade in 1970 and early 1980 in order to bring reflections about the poetics of construction s importance in the formal structure of the architecture, contributing to the debate about the specificitiesand peculiarities of modern architecture produced in Brazil. The research, using the strategies of the case study, startsfromthe review on the use of "tectonic" by Kenneth Frampton and other scholars of the term, to base the concept and set the analytical parameters of the tectonics. Then it proceeds to the insertion of buildings in the cultural and socio-political Brazilian s context in the periodproposed forstudy, in sequence, analyzesthe works of each architect. The study confirms that the expressive power of Brazilian heroic modern architecture, emphasizing the poetics of construction, sediments a tectonic culture that resonates in the following generations
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Se explica la utilización de las categorías de realidad-ficción, como procedimiento para estructurar el texto narrativo o teatral por parte de Mario Vargas Llosa. El análisis asume la relación de esta técnica literaria con el paradigma posmoderno y con la ideología neoliberal, con lo cual muestra la importancia de la noción de tiempo para la conjunción de estos elementos.An explanation is given of the use of the categories of reality and fiction, as a way of organizing Vargas Llosa's narrative and theatrical texts. This analysis assumes the relationship between this literary technique and postmodernism and neo-liberalism, with relation to the notion of time.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2016.
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Mon mémoire de recherche-création se divise en deux volets. Le premier volet est une partie théorique qui est partagée en trois parties. Dans l’introduction, je parle de la figure iconique que renvoie l’image de « Che » Guevara. Dans la première partie, je fais une distinction entre une révolution et une révolte. Ensuite, je fais un résumé de différents ouvrages concernant les groupes contestataires dans la littérature québécoise et comment les auteurs ont parlé de révolte et d’identité plutôt que de faire un portrait du révolutionnaire québécois. Parallèlement, je démontre comment le cinéma québécois a dépeint les révolutionnaires, soit de manière ironique et cynique, soit en démontrant le côté humain et héroïque des contestataires. Dans la deuxième partie, j’explique pourquoi j’ai décidé de faire un film documentaire sur les figures de la révolution au Québec. Je parle de mes choix esthétiques, du choix des intervenants, de la voix au cinéma et de la puissance des archives. Mon film documentaire traite spécifiquement de la question des figures contestataires et est complémentaire du mémoire écrit. Dans mon film, j’essaie surtout de démontrer s’il existe des figures contestataires iconiques québécoises qui renvoient à l’idée de la révolution, comme la célèbre image et l’individu qu’était Ernesto « Che » Guevara. Puisqu’il a inspiré des générations de contestataires dont ceux du Québec dans les années 1960 et 1970, quelles personnalités québécoises peuvent être identifiées comme étant des icônes de la révolution?
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Le corps demeure un sujet d'études en vogue de nos jours. Une multitude d'articles et d'ouvrages abordent la représentation du corps au cinéma. Notre étude se concentre précisément sur le corps du héros du film d'action américain pendant la période classique des années 80. Il sera ainsi question de la musculature hyperbolique d’Arnold Schwarzenegger et de Sylvester Stallone. L'hypothèse de notre recherche est que la mise en scène du physique de l’acteur dans le film d’action demeure représentative de la conception héroïque de son époque. Premièrement, nous explorons la construction héroïque spécifique au film d'action classique. Nous posons que cette figure de héros américain évoque une glorification de la corporalité qui renvoie à la conception mythologique du héros occidental, celle-ci relative à notre imaginaire collectif. Une attention particulière sur la performance de Stallone dans son rôle de John Rambo servira pour appuyer notre réflexion. Deuxièmement, une analyse de la représentation du corps de Schwarzenegger dans ses premiers rôles nous permettra de vérifier à quel point le physique de cet acteur correspond à un nouveau paradigme, un nouveau modèle corporel pour incarner une figure héroïque au cinéma. Troisièmement, nous considérons le contexte socio-politique américain pendant les années 80 afin de constater l'influence de la société dans la construction d'une figure héroïque au cinéma. Une étude de la figure héroïque « reaganienne » sera développée en fonction de la comparaison de ces deux stars. Nous pourrons appréhender comment la représentation du corps dans le film d'action américain peut contribuer à la construction sociale du corps dans notre société occidentale contemporaine.
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En retraçant le parcours intellectuel de l’historien, moraliste et critique américain Christopher Lasch, ce mémoire vise à mettre en exergue la pertinence et les subtilités de sa pensée politique. Sur la base d’une analyse de ses principaux textes, nous démontrerons, qu’au-delà du pessimisme et du catastrophisme qui lui sont généralement attribués, Lasch porte un regard fécond sur la singularité de l’époque contemporaine. Nous soutiendrons que ses critiques acerbes sur la société et l’individu sont faites, avant tout, dans le but de remédier aux carences morales et sociétales qui auraient engendré un certain idéal libéral progressiste. Selon Lasch, le déploiement continu et illimité de cet idéal est en dissonance avec le caractère essentiellement contingent et conflictuel de la condition humaine. Parallèlement, nous présenterons les incidences psychiques qui se traduisent par une « culture du narcissisme » suscitée notamment par diverses composantes de la société contemporaine. À travers une relecture de la condition humaine, Lasch préconise un correctif idéologique qui est axé sur les notions de limites et d’espoir et qui se trouve au sein de la tradition agraire populiste américaine du 19e siècle. Nous démontrerons ainsi comment ce retour en arrière est entamé dans le but de susciter un renouveau politique et identitaire au sein de la société. L’étude se conclura par une discussion sur la plausibilité de l’idéal populiste, tel que l’entend Lasch, à l’ère du 21e siècle.