822 resultados para Deterrence and cooperation


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Debido a los cambios que el Espacio Europeo de Educación Superior introduce al potenciar las horas de trabajo no presencial, se hacen necesarios nuevos mecanismos para posibilitar una mejor comunicación y cooperación en el proceso de aprendizaje. Las redes sociales, como Facebook, pueden suministrar estos mecanismos, pero su uso satisfactorio para la docencia puede verse afectado en gran medida por el estilo de aprendizaje de los alumnos. Este artículo plantea la necesidad de estudiar la influencia de los diferentes estilos de aprendizaje en la docencia no presencial mediante el uso de redes sociales con el fin de incrementar el rendimiento de los alumnos. Cabe destacar que este artículo describe el proyecto “Las redes sociales y su relación con los estilos de aprendizaje” a realizar dentro del programa de Redes de Investigación en Docencia Universitaria del Instituto de Ciencias de la Educación de la Universidad de Alicante.

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In Computer Science world several proposals have been developed for the assessment of the quality of the digital objects, based on the capabilities and facilities offered by current technologies and the available resources. Years ago researchers and specialists from both educational and technological areas have been committed to the development of strategies that improve the quality of education. At present, in the field of teaching-learning, another important aspect is the need to improve the manner of gaining knowledge and learning in education, which the use of learning strategies is a major advance in the teaching-learning process in institutions of higher education. This paper presents QEES, a proposal for evaluating the quality of the learning objects employed on learning strategies to support students during their education processes by using information extraction techniques and ontologies.

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Gaseous emissions are an important problem in municipal solid waste (MSW) treatment plants. The sources points of emissions considered in the present work are: fresh compost, mature compost, landfill leaks and leachate ponds. Hydrogen sulphide, ammonia and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) were analysed in the emissions from these sources. Hydrogen sulphide and ammonia were important contributors to the total emission volume. Landfill leaks are significant source points of emissions of H2S; the average concentration of H2S in biogas from the landfill leaks is around 1700 ppmv. The fresh composting site was also an important contributor of H2S to the total emission volume; its concentration varied between 3.2 and 1.7 ppmv and a decrease with time was observed. The mature composting site showed a reduction of H2S concentration (<0.1 ppmv). Leachate pond showed a low concentration of H2S (in order of ppbv). Regarding NH3, composting sites and landfill leaks are notable source points of emissions (composting sites varied around 30–600 ppmv; biogas from landfill leaks varied from 160 to 640 ppmv). Regarding VOCs, the main compounds were: limonene, p-cymene, pinene, cyclohexane, reaching concentrations around 0.2–4.3 ppmv. H2S/NH3, limonene/p-cymene, limonene/cyclohexane ratios can be useful for analysing and identifying the emission sources.

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La educación para la paz ha despertado especial interés en contextos en los que los valores asociados a ésta y los derechos humanos se están viendo cercenados. En Europa, este fenómeno puede equipararse a la situación de crisis económica en la que se encuentran numerosos países. Este artículo pretende ser una contribución a la enseñanza universitaria activa que esté basada en competencias sociales y enmarcada en los principios de la educación para la paz. En este sentido, este trabajo presenta una propuesta de actividades que contribuyen a potenciar los principios y valores que propone la educación para la paz. Se expone el modo de llevar a cabo actividades orales transversales que fomenten la educación para la paz en dos asignaturas de estudios de grado de la Universidad de Alicante, Lengua Inglesa III y Lingüística General I. Como resultado de su implementación, se señala que esta metodología fomenta la adquisición de competencias sociales del alumnado entre las que destacan la resolución de conflictos, la escucha activa o la cooperación.

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Cooperative learning has been successfully implemented in the last 60 years for teaching at different educational levels including the Higher Studies due to its solid theoretical foundation, the principles it proposes and its practical applications. The purpose of this article is to offer a proposal for some cooperative activities that allow students to work in small groups in a language subject in order to learn not only contents but also putting into practice what they learn, i.e., they learn by being active. This article discusses how the said activities make it possible for students to work with the main principles of cooperative learning, i.e.: positive interdependence, face-to-face interaction, individual and group accountability, interpersonal and small-group skills and group processing. Moreover, this research will also point out that the proposed activities allow students to acquire some of the social competences required in the labour market such as leadership, conflict solving and cooperation.

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O presente relatório foi realizado no âmbito da unidade curricular de Prática de Ensino Supervisionada, inserida no plano de estudos do curso de Mestrado em Educação Pré- Escolar e Ensino do 1.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico, da Escola Superior de Educação do Instituto Politécnico de Bragança. A intervenção em contexto de Educação Pré- Escolar teve a duração de 180 horas, das quais 24 horas foram em contexto Creche. A intervenção em contexto de 1.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico teve, igualmente, a duração de 180 horas. Na Educação Pré- Escolar, trabalhamos com um grupo de 19 crianças, de 3 e 4 anos de idade, e no 1.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico, com um grupo de 23 crianças que integravam o 3.º ano de escolaridade, com 9 anos de idade. Ambos os contextos pertenciam à rede pública. Para proporcionar um conhecimento mais alargado das instituições e da realidade de cada contexto e grupo de crianças, foi elaborada a caracterização dos dois contextos. Ao longo da prática procurámos desenvolver atividades que respondessem às necessidades e interesses das crianças, de forma a criar momentos de participação ativa, de partilha de saberes e de cooperação no âmbito das Orientações Curriculares para a Educação Pré-escolar, das Metas Curriculares e do Programa do 1.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico. Tendo em conta que o tema autonomia se revelou uma preocupação no decorrer da nossa Prática de Ensino Supervisionada, surgiu uma questão que nos fez refletir: Como é que o professor estagiário perceciona a construção da autonomia da criança, em contexto educativo? Tentando dar resposta a esta questão definimos três objetivos que orientaram o nosso percurso investigativo: (i) perceber de que forma é que a rotina diária influência na autonomia (ii) perceber a importância da organização do espaço no desenvolvimento da autonomia das crianças nos contextos do Educação Pré-Escolar e do 1.º Ciclo do Ensino Básico. e (iii) perceber como as experiências de ensino/aprendizagem ajudam na construção da autonomia; Como instrumentos de recolha de dados recorremos à observação participante, registo de notas de campo e de fotografias (sempre que possível). A metodologia utilizada foi a investigação qualitativa de natureza interpretativa. Este tipo de investigação apresenta os resultados através de narrativas com descrições contextuais e citações dos participantes, e que desta forma transmitem as ações e reações que os mesmos tiveram ao longo da prática em ambos os contextos. Os resultados recolhidos nesta investigação, referem que o estagiário perceciona a construção da autonomia da criança como um percurso longo, gratificante e com evoluções mais significativas na Educação Pré-Escolar.

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This article describes the process of self-determination and the creation of a territorial autonomy of the Gagauz people in the Republic of Moldova. It also analyses the situation in the autonomy after the change of government in Chisinau in 2009 and evaluates the current status of accommodation of the Gagauz’ interests in the country. Aspects of state-building and the influence of external actors are explored as well. Gagauzia (Gagauz Yeri) is one of the first post-Soviet autonomies. Since its establishment in 1994, no violent conflict has taken place there. However, the Gagauz language and culture remain relatively unprotected, and incentives as well as support for the integration of the Gagauz are low. The article outlines the potential for future disputes between the central government and local authorities, due to continuous attempts to limit Gagauzia’s self-governance and conflicting interpretations of how the autonomy should work. Furthermore, struggles between Gagauz political leaders and other local realities hamper the successful realization of Gagauz Yeri. With respect to Moldova’s efforts to resolve the Transnistrian conflict and to integrate with the European Union, compromises and cooperation through an ongoing dialogue between the centre and autonomy are clearly due. Resolving the remaining stumbling blocks could make Gagauzia a living, rather than symbolic autonomy.

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Tese de mestrado integrado em Engenharia da Energia e do Ambiente, apresentada à Universidade de Lisboa, através da Faculdade de Ciências, 2016

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Flexibility might be convenient when it comes to accommodating member states’ differing socio-economic and political interests in an expanding EU. Yet, opt-outs, enhanced cooperation and cooperation between member states outside the EU’s legal framework are calling into question the boundaries of this constitutional, institutional and legal differentiation in an EU that is founded on common principles, with a specific legal order and common institutions.

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Democratic values and basic rights in Turkey are hanging by a thread. Over the past eighteen months the rule of law, civil liberties and freedoms have been eroded which has left many Turks anxious over the direction in which their country is heading. With Turkey’s accession negotiations de facto frozen, the EU finds itself with little leverage over Ankara. Calls of concern have fallen on deaf ears as Turkey’s leadership has become increasingly belligerent, with its EU related narrative overflowing with resentment. Because Turkey’s accession negotiations are irreversibly intertwined with Turkey-EU cooperation in other areas, this has had a negative impact on the broader relationship between both sides. Recent examples include the issue of foreign fighters traveling from Europe to Syria via Turkey. Each side has accused the other of not doing enough to stem the flow. Likewise, following the decision of Russian President, Vladimir Putin, to ban the import of agricultural goods from countries that have placed sanctions on Moscow, the EU asked Turkey to demonstrate solidarity, as a “candidate country”, and not to increase exports of agricultural products to Russia. Turkey rejected this request and is reportedly working on strengthening trade ties with Moscow. Turkey remains an important partner in a number of key areas including trade, energy, foreign and security policy and migration. At a time when the EU faces crises in both its Eastern and Southern neighbourhoods, a reliable and predictable Turkey, with which it can cooperate in the Black Sea and Middle East neighbourhoods is crucial. Hence the vision and plans of the EU’s new leadership, in particular new Foreign Policy Chief, Federica Mogherini, and Commissioner for European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, Johannes Hahn, how to shape relations with Ankara is particularly significant. The Union’s current policy is counterproductive and is further eroding trust and cooperation rather than enhancing it. It needs to be turned around.

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Four alternative macroeconomic scenarios for southern Mediterranean countries are quantified in this study with the use of GEM-E3, a general equilibrium model. These are i) the continuation of current policies (business-as-usual scenario), ii) southern Mediterranean–EU cooperation (Euro-Mediterranean Union scenario), iii) a global opening of the southern Mediterranean countries and cooperation with the rest of the Middle East and other developing countries like China (Euro-Mediterranean alliance scenario), and iv) a deterioration in the regional political climate and a failure of cooperation (Euro-Mediterranean under threat scenario). Explicit assumptions on trade integration, infrastructure upgrade, population and governance developments are adopted in each scenario. The simulation results indicate that an infrastructure upgrade and governance improvements in the context of southern Mediterranean–EU cooperation could benefit most of the countries under consideration. The analysis remains important in light of ongoing regional developments and the need to design the best policies to pursue in the aftermath of the Arab spring.

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Competition law seeks to protect competition on the market as a means of enhancing consumer welfare and of ensuring an efficient allocation of resources. In order to be successful, therefore, competition authorities should be adequately equipped and have at their disposal all necessary enforcement tools. However, at the EU level the current enforcement system of competition rules allows only for the imposition of administrative fines by the European Commission to liable undertakings. The main objectives, in turn, of an enforcement policy based on financial penalties are two fold: to impose sanctions on infringing undertakings which reflect the seriousness of the violation, and to ensure that the risk of penalties will deter both the infringing undertakings (often referred to as 'specific deterrence') and other undertakings that may be considering anti-competitive activities from engaging in them (often referred to as 'general deterrence'). In all circumstances, it is important to ensure that pecuniary sanctions imposed on infringing undertakings are proportionate and not excessive. Although pecuniary sanctions against infringing undertakings are a crucial part of the arsenal needed to deter competition law violations, they may not be sufficient. One alternative option in that regard is the strategic use of sanctions against the individuals involved in, or responsible for, the infringements. Sanctions against individuals are documented to focus the minds of directors and employees to comply with competition rules as they themselves, in addition to the undertakings in which they are employed, are at risk of infringements. Individual criminal penalties, including custodial sanctions, have been in fact adopted by almost half of the EU Member States. This is a powerful tool but is also limited in scope and hard to implement in practice mostly due to the high standards of proof required and the political consensus that needs first to be built. Administrative sanctions for individuals, on the other hand, promise to deliver up to a certain extent the same beneficial results as criminal sanctions whilst at the same time their adoption is not likely to meet strong opposition and their implementation in practice can be both efficient and effective. Directors’ disqualification, in particular, provides a strong individual incentive for each member, or prospective member, of the Board as well as other senior executives, to take compliance with competition law seriously. It is a flexible and promising tool that if added to the arsenal of the European Commission could bring balance to the current sanctioning system and that, in turn, would in all likelihood make the enforcement of EU competition rules more effective. Therefore, it is submitted that a competition law regime in order to be effective should be able to deliver policy objectives through a variety of tools, not simply by imposing significant pecuniary sanctions to infringing undertakings. It is also clear that individual sanctions, mostly of an administrative nature, are likely to play an increasingly important role as they focus the minds of those in business who might otherwise be inclined to regard infringing the law as a matter of corporate risk rather than of personal risk. At the EU level, in particular, the adoption of directors’ disqualification promises to deliver more effective compliance and greater overall economic impact.

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Despite accounting for a significant share of global trade and the resulting interdependencies from it, energy governance remains largely fragmented and there is no global framework or agreement defining the rules of energy trade. This paper, after presenting the main global and regional energy market developments, discusses the opportunities to ‘energise the TTIP’, i.e. to include a chapter dedicated to trade and cooperation in the sphere of energy. The shale revolution in the US, the ever-rising interconnectedness of energy markets (recently proven by the disappearance of the ‘Asian gas premium’) and the EU’s quest to diversify its energy supplies generally sets favourable conditions to reinforce energy relations between the EU and the US. The question, as is often the case, is whether there is sufficient political will to tighten relations in a strategic sphere with connotations for national security and sovereignty.

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Opportunities structures for participation in EU policy-making are characterised by the inefficiency of institutional channels of territorial representation and the progressive inclusion of broad civil society in new systems of consultation and cooperation with EU institutions. Recent Multilevel Governance literature has recognised an increasing convergence in strategies of territorial and functional actors to respond to these challenges. Nevertheless, it has neglected the partial shift of European regions from territorial institutional representation to lobbying strategies based on acting as intermediaries for functional interests. Through strong cooperation with the private sector, regions go beyond their purely institutional roles, partly presenting themselves as actors of functional representation and thus playing by the same rules of most lobbying actors in Brussels: providing specialised and genuine information to EU institutions in exchange for inclusion in the policy-making process.

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"January 1996."