929 resultados para Twitter election
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In 2006 the Library of the Andalusian Public Health System (BVSSPA) is constituted as a Virtual Library which provides Resources and Services that are accessed through inter-hospital local area network (corporate intranet) and Internet. On the other hand, the Hospital de la Axarquia still did not have any institutional or self-presence on the Internet and the librarian ask the need to create a space for communication with the "digital users" of the Library of the area through a website. MATERIALS AND METHODS. The reasons why we opted for a blog were: -It was necessary to make no financial outlay for its establishment. It allowed for great versatility, both in its administration and in its management by users. -The ability to compile on the same platform different Web 2.0 communication tools. Between different options available we chose Blogger Google Inc. The blog allowed entry to the 2.0 services or Social Web in the library. The benefits offered were many, especially the visibility of the service and communication with the user. 2.0 tools that have been incorporated into the library are: content syndication (RSS) which allowed users to stay informed about updates to the blog. Share documents and other multimedia as presentations through SlideShare, images through Flickr or Picasa, or videos (YouTube). And the presence on social network like Facebook and Twitter. RESULTS. The analysis of the activity we has been traking by Google Analytics tool, helping to determine the number of blog visits. Since its stablishment, on November 17th 2006, until November 29th 2010 the blog has received 15,787 visitors, 38,422 page views were consulted, at each visit on average 2.4 pages were consulted and each visit has an average stay at the site of 4'31''. DISCUSSION. The blog has served as a communication and information tool with the user. Since the creation of the blog we have incorporated technologies and tools to interact with the user. With all the tools used we have applied the concept of "open source" and the contents were generated from the activities organized in the Knowledge Management Unit from the anatomo-clinical sessions, the training activities, dissemination events, etc. The result has been the customization of library services, contextualized in the Knowledge Management Unit - Axarquia. In social networks we have shared information and files with the professionals and the community. CONCLUSIONS. The blog has allowed us to explore technologies that allow us to communicate with the user and the community, disseminate information and documents with the participation of users and become the "Interactive Library" we aspire to be.
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This paper studies cooperation in a political system dominated by two opportunistic parties competing in a resource-based economy. Since a binding agreement as an external solution might be difficult to enforce due to the close association between the incumbent party and the government, the paper explores the extent to which co-operation between political parties that alternate in office can rely on self-enforcing strategies to provide an internal solution. We show that, for appropriate values of the probability of re-election and the discount factor cooperation in maintaining the value of a state variable is possible, but fragile. Another result is that, in such political framework, debt decisions contain an externality element linked to electoral incentives that creates a bias towards excessive borrowing.
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Throughout the past decade, social media have come on the scene of various popular revolts. Their role as tools of information and coordination of social movements, from the Iranian Green Movement in 2009 to the Arab uprisings in 2011, has been widely debated. In most cases, online activism through blogs, Facebook, Twitter or other forms of social media has allowed citizens to be part of a social networking exercise and to engage in a public sphere that would have otherwise been unreachable to them due to severe repression. In Tunisia and Egypt, social media helped protests start and expand thanks to their ability to coordinate and disseminate information quickly. The new information and communication tools were an influential factor in accelerating the revolutionary processes across the Arab world, albeit they cannot be seen as neither the spur nor the drivers of any revolution.
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The Fourth Edition of the Iowa Court Rules, adopted by the supreme court November 9, 2001, effective February 15, 2002, is published pursuant to Iowa Code section 2B.5(2). Supplements to the loose-leaf compilation will be prepared and distributed as the rules are amended by the court.
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This Voter Guide is intended to help all eligible Iowans, regardless of health or physical disability, to register and vote on election day. This guide contains information on voter registration, voting accessibility, absentee voting and important election dates and deadlines. The Iowa Department for the Blind has an audio cassette version of this Voter Guide available for your convenience. NOTE: THIS VOTER GUIDE WAS VALID THROUGH 2003. IF YOU WANT THE CURRENT VOTER INFORMATION INCLUDING THE ABSENTEE BALLOT REQUEST FORM GO TO: http://www.sos.state.ia.us/elections/index.html
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El trabajo colaborativo en las aulas de formación universitarias configura gran parte de las propuestas metodológicas de e-learning. En la actualidad, las plataformas que Internet ofrece hacen pensar que hay escenarios nuevos que permiten otro tipo de experiencias a nivel de docencia. Es imprescindible tener en cuenta los espacios personales de aprendizaje, pero también podemos hacer el ejercicio de utilizarlos para generar sinergias entre los aspectos educativos formales, no formales e informales por los que pasa una persona. Este aspecto pasa por introducir un modelo híbrido de enseñanza donde el aula virtual o la presencial utilice las informaciones que existen fuera de ella. La utilización de microbloggings, medios de comunicación mediante Internet y medios de comunicación “tradicionales” o “en papel” pueden conseguir un enlace entre la virtualidad y la presencialidad.
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The rapid adoption of online media like Facebook, Twitter or Wikileaks leaves us with little time to think. Where is information technology taking us, our society and our democratic institutions ? Is the Web replicating social divides that already exist offline or does collaborative technology pave the way for a more equal society ? How do we find the right balance between openness and privacy ? Can social media improve civic participation or do they breed superficial exchange and the promotion of false information ? These and lots of other questions arise when one starts to look at the Internet, society and politics. The first part of this paper gives an overview of the social changes that occur with the rise of the Web. The second part serves as an overview on how the Web is being used for political participation in Switzerland and abroad. Le développement rapide de nouveaux médias comme Facebook, Twitter ou Wikileaks ne laisse que peu de temps à la réflexion. Quels sont les changements que ces technologies de l'information impliquent pour nous, notre société et nos institutions démocratiques ? Internet ne fait-il que reproduire des divisions sociales qui lui préexistent ou constitue-t-il un moyen de lisser et d'égaliser ces mêmes divisions ? Comment trouver le bon équilibre entre transparence et respect de la vie privée ? Les médias sociaux permettent-ils de stimuler la participation politique ou ne sont-ils que le vecteur d'échanges superficiels et de fausses informations ? Ces questions, parmi d'autres, émergent rapidement lorsque l'on s'intéresse à la question des liens entre Internet, la société et la politique. La première partie de ce cahier est consacrée aux changements sociaux générés par l'émergence et le développement d'Internet. La seconde fait l'état des lieux de la manière dont Internet est utilisé pour stimuler la participation politique en Suisse et à l'étranger.
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This paper explores the existence of negative peer-group pressures derived from the concentration of foreigners in French lower secondary schools. Using different dependent variables (number of years spent in lower secondary education, grades in 4th ‘and 3rd year and track election in upper secondary schooling) the analyses indicate that the much disputed existence of significant and negative effects of the concentration of foreign students in schools depends on the method used for the estimation. If we assume that the concentration of foreigners is a random and exogenous process, then the multivariate analyses confirm negative interactions. If, on the contrary, we question the assumption that this contextual information is not end the result of prior sorting mechanisms of individuals across social spaces, the concentration of foreigners has no statistical impact on attainment.
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With each passing election, U.S. political campaigns have renewed their efforts in courting the “Latino vote,” yet the Latino population is not a culturally homogenous voting bloc. This study examined how cultural identifications and acculturation attitudes in U.S. born Mexican Americans interacted with socioeconomic status (SES) to predict political orientation. Individuals who held stronger Mexican identity and supported biculturalism as an acculturation strategy had a more liberal orientation, while belonging to a higher SES group and holding stronger assimilation attitudes predicted a less liberal orientation. Mexican cultural identification interacted with SES such that those who held a weaker Mexican identity, but came from a higher social class were less liberal and more moderate in their political orientation. Weak Mexican identification and higher SES also predicted weaker endorsement of bicultural acculturation attitudes, which in turn, mediated the differences in political orientation. The acceptance of one’s ethnic identity and endorsement of bicultural attitudes predicted a more liberal political orientation. In light of these findings, political candidates should be cautious in how they pander to Latino constituents—referencing the groups’ ethnic culture or customs may distance constituents who are not strongly identified with their ethnic culture.
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Ladam (Nicaise). Epistel van de stadt van Rodes (1522)
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Notre travail de thèse vise à analyser, d'une part, les principales réformes du Parlement fédéral adoptées au cours du 20e siècle et, d'autre part, l'évolution du profil sociographique pour six cohortes d'élus fédéraux (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980, 2000 et 2010), sous l'angle de sa démocratisation et de sa professionnalisation. La thèse comprend trois axes de recherche principaux. Premièrement, nous nous penchons sur les deux réformes institutionnelles censées favoriser la démocratisation du recrutement parlementaire, à savoir l'adoption de la proportionnelle pour l'élection du Conseil national en 1918 et l'introduction du suffrage féminin à l'échelon fédéral en 1971. Nous abordons également les réformes du Parlement visant, depuis les années 1970, à sa revalorisation et à sa professionnalisation. Le deuxième axe porte sur la réalisation d'un portrait collectif des élus fédéraux pour la période 1910-1980, dans le but de vérifier l'impact des réformes des règles électorales (proportionnelle et suffrage féminin) sur le profil des députés et sénateurs. Enfin, dans le troisième axe, nous abordons les transformations du profil socio-professionnel des parlementaires pendant la période plus récente (1980-2010), en lien avec la professionnalisation accrue de l'Assemblée fédérale et les changements des rapports de force partisans. Nos résultats permettent de mettre en évidence plusieurs éléments de continuité (prédominance de la catégories des indépendants, notamment des avocats, des chefs d'entreprise et des agriculteurs, et sous-représentation des salariés du secteur public ; fort ancrage local), ainsi que certains facteurs de rupture (présence accrue des femmes, moindre importance de la carrière militaire). D'autres changements dans le profil sont liés au processus récent de professionnalisation, contesté et inachevé, qui a favorisé néanmoins l'émergence de nouveaux profils sociologiques d'élus, en termes de formation, de profession (apparition du groupe des parlementaires professionnels) et de cumul des mandats économiques et politiques, avec cependant de fortes variations entre les partis et entre les deux Chambres. - Our PhD thesis aims at analysing, on the one hand, the main reforms of the Federal Parliament adopted during the 20th century and, on the other hand, the evolution of sociographical profile for six cohorts of Swiss MPs (1910, 1937, 1957, 1980, 2000 and 2010) in terms of their democratization and professionalization. Our research is composed of three main parts. Firstly, we analyse two institutional reforms which intended to promote the democratization of parliamentary recruitment, namely the adoption of proportional representation (PR) in 1918 for the election of the National Council and the introduction of women's suffrage at the federal level in 1971. We also deal with parliamentary reforms that, since the 1970s, have aimed at reasserting the political status of the Federal Assembly and at professionalizing its members. Secondly, we carry out a collective biography of Swiss MPs during the period 1910-1980, in order to verify the impact of electoral reforms (PR and women's suffrage) on the profiles of deputies and senators. Finally, we discuss the transformation of the MPs' socio-_professional profiles during the recent period (1980-2010) in connection with the increased professionalization of the Federal Assembly and the changes of the power relations within the Parliament. Our results allow us to highlight several elements of continuity (the predominance of self-employed persons, especially lawyers, business managers and farmers, and the underrepresentation of public employees; stronger background in local politics), as well as some factors of discontinuity (increased presence of women and lesser importance of the military career). Other changes of the parliamentarians' profile are related to the recent process of professionalization. Although contested and unfinished, it has promoted new sociological profiles in terms of educational background, profession (growth of the professional parliamentarians) and number of political and economic mandates held simultaneously, however with important variations between parties and between Lower and Upper House.
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A Election Markup Language (EML) é uma linguagem de comunicação para ser utilizada entre os diversos subsistemas que constituem o Sistema de Votação Electrónica (SVE). Esta dissertação tem como objectivo contribuir para o estudo do Voto Electrónico em Portugal, analisando a lei do processo eleitoral e utilizando as recomendações do Conselho da Europa sobre a adopção do EML, propõe-se apresentar uma arquitectura de SVE que possa ser utilizado para as eleições e referendos
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Esta investigación se concentra en la plataforma Weibo, que está introduciendo nuevas formas de redacción de noticias y distribución de informaciones en China. Se trata de un servicio de microblogging chino, parecido al Twitter pero adaptado a los usuarios chinos. Siendo una herramienta de web 2.0, Weibo ha cambiado el trabajo cotidiano de los periodistas chinos. En el presente estudio se elabora análisis de contenido cuantitativo y cualitativo con fin de explorar la forma de utilización por los periodistas chinos en los asuntos públicos.
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This paper presents a model of electoral competition focusing on the formation of thepublic agenda. An incumbent government and a challenger party in opposition competein elections by choosing the issues that will key out their campaigns. Giving salience toan issue implies proposing an innovative policy proposal, alternative to the status-quo.Parties trade off the issues with high salience in voters concerns and those with broadagreement on some alternative policy proposal. Each party expects a higher probabilityof victory if the issue it chooses becomes salient in the voters decision. But remarkably,the issues which are considered the most important ones by a majority of votes may notbe given salience during the electoral campaign. An incumbent government may survivein spite of its bad policy performance if there is no sufficiently broad agreement on apolicy alternative. We illustrate the analytical potential of the model with the case of theUnited States presidential election in 2004.
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Economists have recently turned their attention to the effects of terrorism. One much debated effect of terrorist attacks is its impact on the results of democratic elections. We use the electoral consequences of the terrorist attacks of the 11-M in Madrid to analyze this issue. We consider this particular experiment since the attack took place only three days before the 2004 Congressional Election, which allows the use of credible identification criteria. In particular, we use the advance voting by Spanish residents abroad, who cast their vote before the terrorist attack, to identify the effect of the bombing. We exploit this macabre natural experiment to run a difference-in-differences estimation using data on three consecutive Congressional elections. Our empirical results indicate that a terrorist attack can have a large impact on the outcome of democratic elections.