La reducción enunciativa: Podemos y la constricción de la voz de la multitud

La irrupción política de Podemos en el panorama mediático y electoral español ha supuesto no sólo una revolución política sino también comunicativa. El 15M significó la crisis definitiva de la hegemonía indiscutible del Modelo Difusión en política, como ya se había verificado en otros espacios de comunicación social. Con su “no nos representan”, el 15M fue ante todo un proceso de disolución enunciativa. Tras él Podemos es el único caso de un experimento de hibridación integral del Modelo Difusión y el Modelo Reticular, intentando propiciar su sinergia. El desembarco de Pablo Iglesias en la televisión resulta crucial, pues se trata de un intento de abrochar la enunciación mediático-electoral con la enunciación popular-reticular.

The conversation on political issues on Twitter: an analysis of the participation and frames in the debate on the 'Wert law' and evictions in Spain

The aim of this study is to determine which social agents are involved in the political debate on Twitter and whether the interpretive hegemony of actors that have traditionally been the most prominent is tempered by the challenge of framing shared with audiences. The relationship between the interpretations expressed and the profiles of participants is analyzed in comparison with the frames used by mainstream media. The chosen methodology combines content analysis and discourse analysis techniques on a sample of 1,504 relevant tweets posted on two political issues –the approval of the education law LOMCE and the evictions caused by the crisis, which have also been studied in the front pages of four leading newspapers in Spain. The results show a correlation between political issue singularities, frames and the type of discussion depending on the participants.

Meet the phallic teacher: curriculum design and identity in a neoliberal imaginary

This paper introduces the concept of the phallic teacher, a spectral figure that needs to be negotiated in teachers’ everyday work and in school-based disciplinary communities of practice. Reporting the findings of a three year doctoral study completed in 2014, the paper looks closely at how English teachers design both curriculum and identity in an environment where feminist and poststructuralist work of the late 20th century seems to have lost traction.These observations are based on empirical research in a Victorian school, combined with autoethnographic writing and other materials connecting teachers’ and researchers’ lives to the broader cultural postfeminist debate. The paper makes room for an absent subject, the teacher, marginalised in neoliberal discourses of curriculum and critiques the masculinist hegemony of outcomes and standards-based education. This provides us with new ways to challenge increasingly dominant current paradigms and to conceptualise a different future in which the standpoints of teachers are privileged in curriculum theory and curricular innovation.

Meet the phallic teacher: designing curriculum and identity in a neoliberal imaginary

This paper introduces the concept of the phallic teacher, a spectral figure negotiated in teachers’ everyday work and in school-based disciplinary communities of practice. Reporting the findings of a three year Australian doctoral study completed in 2014, the paper looks closely at how English teachers design both curriculum and identity in an environment where feminist and poststructuralist work of the late 20th century seems to have lost traction. These observations made here are based on empirical research in a Victorian school, combined with autoethnographic writing and other materials connecting teachers’ and researchers’ lives to the broader cultural postfeminist debate. The paper makes room for an absent subject, the teacher, marginalised in neoliberal discourses of curriculum and critiques the masculinist hegemony of outcomes and standards-based education. This provides us with new ways to challenge increasingly dominant current paradigms and to conceptualise a different future in which the standpoints of teachers are privileged in curriculum theory and curricular innovation.

Duplicity of meaning

This article considers the ‘duplicitous’ functions of the word ‘wild’ in the arguments over the Queensland’s Wild Rivers Act 2005. Certain traditional owners, environmentalist and state groups have deployed the term pragmatically, simultaneously endorsing its usage (through repetition) and disavowing its colonial associations (through explanation) against protestations by Indigenous and non-Indigenous stakeholders. In a sense, this ambivalent ‘duplicity’ is entirely consistent with relations between the settler-colonial nation state and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander polities – relations aptly characterised by Povinelli as shaped by ‘the cunning of recognition’ – which stratify relations between groups through the endorsing of ‘tradition’. Thus ‘the Indigenous’ can be posited both as one political minority amidst a multicultural polity and as a pre-modern and endemic precursor of the settler-colonial nation, constitutively conservationist ‘first Australians’. Arguably, in the legislation’s ‘recognition’ of the ‘wild’ past, Indigenous peoples – who were known in nineteenth century Queensland as ‘wild blacks’ or ‘myalls’ (meaning those who resisted leaving their lands – and ‘could be shot with impunity’) are recouped as the nation’s first caretakers of ‘pristine’ waterways. However, this article regards the current use of this ambivalent word as also potentially authorising those recognised through this mythic form, providing a limited and uncertain opportunity for traditional owners to ground a form of sovereign right in lands and waterways. Against totalising settler-colonial critiques of hegemony, this article argues that the Wild Rivers legislation does not forget indigeneity, but rather relies on indigeneity. While much research concerning ‘natural’ ideologies such as ‘the noble savage’ has worked to show that faith in a belated era of historical fullness or presence can serve to evacuate the present of material details, it may also be that the ‘wild’ can also offer Indigenous peoples a valuable political authority to, in the words of Courtney Jung, ‘contest the exclusions through which it has been constituted’.

Estado, sociedad civil y hegemonía en el pensamiento político de Gramsci

En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.

Estado, sociedad civil y hegemonía en el pensamiento político de Gramsci

En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.

Estado, sociedad civil y hegemonía en el pensamiento político de Gramsci

En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.

Smartphone chronic gaming consumption and positive coping practice

Purpose - Chronic consumption practice has been greatly accelerated by mobile, interactive and smartphone gaming technology devices. This study explores how chronic consumption of smartphone gaming produces positive coping practice. Design/methodology/approach - Underpinned by cognitive framing theory, empirical insights from eleven focus groups (n=62) reveal how smartphone gaming enhances positive coping amongst gamers and non-gamers. Findings - The findings reveal how the chronic consumption of games allows technology to act with privileged agency that resolves tensions between individuals and collectives. Consumption narratives of smartphone games, even when play is limited, lead to the identification of three cognitive frames through which positive coping processes operate: (a) the market generated frame, (b) the social being frame, and (c) the citizen frame. Research limitations/implications – This paper adds to previous research by providing an understanding of positive coping practice in the smartphone chronic gaming consumption. Originality/value - In smartphone chronic gaming consumption, cognitive frames enable positive coping by fostering appraisal capacities in which individuals confront, hegemony, culture and alterity-morality concerns.

A Historical Materialist Approach to the Eurozone Crisis: Fictitious Capital, States, and Capital Accumulation

This dissertation examines the ongoing European sovereign debt crises that began with Greece in 2009, in the wake of the US subprime mortgage crisis. Through the application of a historical materialist approach, I attempt to understand the on-going crisis in the European Monetary Union (EMU) by investigating root causes of sovereign debt crises, relations of power, and main beneficiaries of the policy responses. My theoretical framework hinges on three contradictions in capitalism: the tendency towards overaccumulation, the tension between fictitious capital and the productive base, and the contradiction inherent in capitalist states between their role as a national state and as a class state. In contrast to the dominant positions that locate the cause of the crisis within either: debtor states; creditor states; or the framework at the EMU, I argue that these sovereign debt crises are actually a broader crisis of crisis of capitalism within the EMU itself. In order to do so, I trace the evolution of the political economy of the Eurozone in the post-Bretton woods era, with a particularly focus on the credit system. More specifically, I argue that these crises are the result of an interaction between three meso-level contradictions that have developed within the EMU region: 1) Germany’s postwar accumulation regime, which has produced a deep crisis of overaccumulation; 2) the contradictory processes associated with the neoliberal logic of the EMU, by which I mean the rush to lower barriers to credit and finance at the expense of all else; and 3) credit-fueled, consumption-based EMU integration in the periphery; and. These three contradictions came together in the wake of the 2007-2008 US subprime crisis to form an overall crisis of capitalism in the Eurozone, expressed, as I suggest, as a crisis of fictitious capital. This dissertation aims to contribute to the ongoing project among critical political economists to de-naturalize and re-politicize money, while challenging the hegemony of monetarism within neoliberalism. Second, there has yet to be a comprehensive study that examines the EMU, Germany, and the crises in the periphery from a holistic, historical materialist analysis.

Post: 9/11: hidden pedagogy: the positional forces of pedagogy in Victoria, Australia

This qualitative study charts the lived narratives of twelve participants, six teachers and six students from urban and rural Victoria, Australia. The study examines in detail the question ‘How do teachers teach, post 9/11?’. 9/11 has become accepted shorthand for September 11th 2001, in which terrorist attacks took place in the United States of America. The attacks heralded a ‘post- 9/11 world, [in which] threats are defined more by the fault lines within societies than by the territorial boundaries between them’ (National Commission on Terrorist Attacks, 2011, p. 361). The study is embedded in the values that have come to the fore in the wake of the 9/11 attacks and the ideological shifts that have occurred globally. These values and ideologies are reflected via issues of culture and consumption. In education this is particularly visible through pedagogy. The research employs a multimethodological (Esteban-Guitart, 2012) form of inquiry through the use of bricolage (Kincheloe & Berry, 2004) which is comprised at the intersectional points of critical pedagogy (Kincheloe, 2008b), public pedagogy (Sandlin, Schultz, & Burdick, 2010b) and cultural studies (Hall, Hobson, Lowe, & Willis, 1992). This study adopts a critical ontological perspective, and is grounded in qualitative research approaches (Lather & St. Pierre, 2013). The methods of photo elicitation, artefact analysis, video observation and semi-structured interviews are used to critically examine the ways in which teacher and student identities are shaped by the pedagogies of contemporary schooling, and how they form common sense understandings of the world and themselves, charting possibilities between accepted common sense beliefs and 21st century neoliberal capitalism. The research is presented through a prototypical form of literary journalism and intertextuality which examines the interrelationship between teaching and social worlds exposing the hidden influence of enculturation and addressing the question ‘How do teachers teach, post 9/11?’

Nicaragua y el Lawfare: el derecho internacional como sucedáneo de la guerra

El interés de esta monografía es evaluar la relación entre el derecho internacional, la guerra y la política exterior a la luz del concepto de lawfare. Esta relación se evalúa a la luz del caso de las relaciones de Nicaragua con sus vecinos. Se analiza y explican las distintas nociones de derecho internacional desarrolladas por las teorías de Relaciones y sus limitaciones; la utilización de la guerra jurídica como estrategia sustitutiva de la guerra material en el caso de Nicaragua. Utilizando el concepto desarrollado por Charles Dunlap, el trabajo busca demostrar que el lawfare explica algunas relaciones entre derecho, guerra, y relaciones internacionales que las teorías clásicas no pueden y, adicionalmente da razón de las acciones de Nicaragua mediante la utilización del Derecho Internacional.

Para una crítica de la educación democrática

El propósito central de este trabajo consiste en hacer un análisis crítico de la idea de educación democrática. Como hilo conductor se discute la tesis desarrollada por Amy Gutmann, según la cual, la educación democrática tiene como fin garantizar la reproducción consciente de la sociedad. En este contexto, la tesis que se defiende afirma que la educación democrática exige, además de los principios de no represión y la no discriminación desarrollados por Gutmann, un principio de reconocimiento, que articule la orientación de las acciones educativas a fuentes de normatividad asociadas con una interpretación intersubjetivista de la autonomía, de manera que se puedan generar más elementos de juicio, sobre todo, aquellos incorporados en las dimensiones moral, ética, política, legal y social de la persona, al momento de proponer prácticas educativas encaminadas a la formación de una ciudadanía participativa y crítica. Para esto se propone una interpretación que integra las perspectivas deliberativa y agonal de la democracia, se defiende que la expresión clave del ejercicio de la ciudadanía democrática es la participación, que el ejercicio de la participación tiene por condición la realización de la autonomía personal, por lo cual, en la parte final se elabora una lectura intersubjetivista de la autonomía, a partir de los trabajos de Axel Honneth y Rainer Forst.

Intereses nacionales convergentes en una apuesta colectiva: la alianza del pacífico

Este documento indaga sobre los determinantes que hicieron posible la creación de la Alianza del Pacífico. Para ello, se describen elementos del contexto internacional y regional dentro del cual se gestó la Alianza, y que permitió la convergencia de unos intereses afines entre Chile, Colombia, Perú y México que, determinados por identidades similares, desembocaron en un proyecto colectivo: La Alianza del Pacífico. El argumento principal es que los intereses, las características y las identidades comunes configuraron unas preferencias nacionales que fueron materializadas en la creación de un proyecto de integración económica con características particulares, que sirve de plataforma para la coordinación, la articulación, la inserción y el desarrollo económico de sus miembros.