1000 resultados para dominação ideológica
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Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte
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Notre dissertation propose un questionnement ayant pour thème l identité créole dans l oeuvre Texaco (1992), du martiniquais Patrick Chamoiseau. Texaco opère une rétrospective de l histoire martiniquaise en y apportant un nouveau point de vue, influencé par la culture populaire martiniquaise, inversant ainsi les représentations traditionnelles forgées à partir des modèles métropolitains. La théorie principale utilisée dans cette dissertation est celle d Edouard Glissant, lorsqu il utilisa la notion de rhizome pour l adapter à la réalité de la culture créole. D après cette perspective, une racine unique, qui représenterait symboliquement une culture unique, tuerait les autres racines se trouvant à son alentour, alors que le rhizome, c est-à-dire la racine multiple, irait à la rencontre des autres racines et se mélangerait avec elles, pour former un ensemble qui s étend à l infini. La théorie présente dans le livre de Patrick Chamoiseau Écrire en pays dominé (1997), s est révélé être d une importance fondamentale dans notre dissertation, en ce qui concerne le questionnement sur l usage de la langue de la métropole dans une ancienne colonie. Cette réflexion va permettre de commencer une discussion à propos de l influence de la culture métropolitaine sur la culture de l ancienne colonie, qui dans ce cas, se voit opprimée. Pour commencer, nous verrons dans la première partie les mécanismes d oppression utilisés en ce qui concerne la négation de l identité créole, s aidant de systèmes de domination linguistiques et culturelles. Dans la seconde partie, nous étudierons l émergence d une identité créole dans Texaco, grâce à une tentative de réecriture d une des possibles histoires de la Martinique
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This thesis endorses the interpretation that in Plato`s Republic the argument made by Thrasymachus in which justice is the convenience of the most powerful one is implicitly accepted by Socrates. Although Thrasymachus´ discussion does not show any similarity with the argument of Socrates, it proposes a sarcastic and ironic comment on political life. Socrates accepts this comment to develop a more refined notion of the category of the most powerful ones. While Thrasymachus assumes that the convenience of the most powerful ones includes the power to subordinate all and everything to their individual pleasures, Socrates admits that the most powerful ones are defined only by their characteristic of being able to hold power in perpetuity. In this context, the main theme of The Republic is that the harmony between the functional classes of the city is convenient for perpetual power. For preservation of harmony, the functional class of the most powerful considers the convenience of forsaking a possible monopoly on pleasure towards a redistribution that promotes harmony, which also makes it convenient for the other classes. Thus, we can explicitly say that the most powerful ones believe in a sense of justice as convenience for everyone, but implicitly believe only in the argument that justice is what is convenient for themselves. Since convenience is what promotes harmony between functional classes, it becomes convenient to Socrates to believe that the understanding justice that the most powerful ones have is not publicly disclosed. The notion that all the speculation of the dialogue between the characters cannot be true, but, at best, only plausible and convenient is also part of the central argument in The Republic. Socrates needs to modify the nature of the functional classes through a targeted program of sexual reproduction and a program of ideological indoctrination so that the proposal to promote harmony through the elements of the city, declaring that justice is in favor of the weakest becomes a more plausible and convenient speech. To make the new system more plausible, Socrates develops a metaphysics based on the mathematical notion of harmony, such metaphysics serving the official rhetoric of the political regime presented by Socrates
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This dissertation addresses the issue of technology in the work of Herbert Marcuse, explaning the merger between technology and domination that result in a totalitarian technological apparatus. Thus, technological civilization is supported and justified by a rational technological apparatus in the society, we have come not only the philosophy of Marcuse, but other great thinkers too, like Heidegger, Hegel, Marx. We also present a debate involving the philosophy of science, logic and linguage. Marcuse points to the need for a new technological rationality that emerge from a new sensibility, where the technique would allow a new relationship between man and nature. From then on, would emerge the need for a new subject. This transition would be possible by means of sensitivity, where art would become the art of live. With the link between art and technique made possible by new sensitivity, the author leaves one of its main contribution: he leaves open the possibility for the subject to choose new targests for technological development
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This dissertation addresses the issue of technology in the work of Herbert Marcuse, explaning the merger between technology and domination that result in a totalitarian technological apparatus. Thus, technological civilization is supported and justified by a rational technological apparatus in the society, we have come not only the philosophy of Marcuse, but other great thinkers too, like Heidegger, Hegel, Marx. We also present a debate involving the philosophy of science, logic and linguage. Marcuse points to the need for a new technological rationality that emerge from a new sensibility, where the technique would allow a new relationship between man and nature. From then on, would emerge the need for a new subject. This transition would be possible by means of sensitivity, where art would become the art of live. With the link between art and technique made possible by new sensitivity, the author leaves one of its main contribution: he leaves open the possibility for the subject to choose new targests for technological development
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This research comprises a study on the values and ideals attributed to Dix-sept Rosado, by the Coleção Mossoroense journal. Local researchers demonstrate how the Coleção Mossoroense constructs an image of Mossoró, forming in the members of the city an identity with the place, a social cohesion or creating one forms to see and to say about the Mossoró city. The Coleção Mossoroense, through Vingt-un Rosado together with its family, established a form of seeing and identifying of the Mossoró s population with the city, just because it associated and it was, at the same time, a movement at the same time social (civic parties for example), political (the domination of the Rosado s family) and cultural (the books and theatrical parties about the city). The conjunction of the Coleção Mossoroense as and with a social movement, cultural and political was capable to establish a social identity, a subjective constituent . With this background, it was possible to make a study of the image attributed to Dix-sept Rosado, by the Coleção Mossoroense, through an analysis of the inherent discourse in the works by Bakhtin (1989) and Bourdieu (2000), of and on Dix-sept Rosado in the Coleção Mossoroense based on. The image of Dix-sept Rosado was constructed by the Coleção Mossoroense after its death, and the responsible for this was Vingt-un Rosado, which was the chief-editor of the Coleção Mossoroense up to 2006, year of its death. The Coleção Mossoroense built an image of Dix-sept Rosado as an enterprising man, progressive and innovator, of great capacity of leadership and oratory (a conductor of the crowds ), popular and charismatic, an honest and dynamic politician. This image made by the Coleção Mossoroense, although when enhancing in surplus the qualities of Dix-sept Rosado have as objective to transmit an image of a heroic personage, it has some relation with the reality. Dix-sept Rosado was a man identified with its locality. This can resemble a regional nationalism. The attitudes of Dix-sept Rosado must be understood inside of a broader social context, of a time marked by the populist politics. Qualities also appreciated and developed inside of a specific historical context and determined both national and locally. The Coleção Mossoroense enhances the qualities of Dix-sept Rosado so that the current politicians of the Rosado s family can establish a link of continuity in its contemporary political practice
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Considering infancy as the socio-historic construction required from the researcher, not only gives problems to the natural character of the human development, that for a long period in the history of psychology has sown to be predominant, but before anything assumes the position in which the vision of the social condition, i.e., for the contexts of the insertion of the human being, is predominant. In this sense, it is not possible to talk about infancy in the singular, once the different developmental contexts enable different forms of immersion in the daily experiences, amongst which this research focuses on the experience of the ludic. According to various theories of development amongst which we emphasize the socio-historic, this element brings important contributions in the processes of the human being constitution. From the legal aspect this recognition is present in the Code of Practice of the Child and Adolescent which considers playing to be a right of the child. However, the childhood of many children have this aspect affected by many factors. It is in the context of this discussion that we developed this research which has as its objective investigate how children in a working environment experience playing on a daily basis. Four children, girls, took part in this research, who develop activities in the process of the usage of cashew nuts. We used interviews, observations, photographs and drawings. The perspective of analysis which guided this task is based on socio-historic and discursive studies. In this way, the elements which constitute the child s discourse, formed from the corpus were: be a child, the ludic culture, the work in the child s life and the perspective of future and change. The participants discourse showed to be conflicting, contradictory, arisen from a specific ideological formation. In the children s daily routine it was possible to verify that there is an existence of a rich ludic culture, even if it is lived in few moments of the day in consequence of the workload
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The present paper proposes an analysis about the Brazilian Psychiatric Reform as a public policy and deriving from a research developed with the workers of a Psychosocial Attention Centre III (CAPS III) and the managers of the Psychosocial Attention Web (REAP) in Aracaju. This analysis is developed as an investigation of the discharge at those services, understood not as a procedure, but as a dispositive from which different elements can be articulated: users, knowledge, technical procedures, police measures, juridical decisions, laws, services edifying. This, form the background of the articulation between mental alienation and the subject of right alienation, in the ways through which this articulation develops to the relations between madness,citizenship, internment and substitutive practices. Our investigation about the discharge as a dispositive was built with some narrative constructions, as a discourse analysis inspired by Michel Foucault s method, from the perspective of some of the main dispositive operators: workers and managers. The main aspect observed were: the articulations built by the discharge as a dispositive based on two discursive grate, the Reform as a new treatment substituting internship, and the Reform as juridical insertion and users rights practice; the exercise of these discursive grades based on the workers and managers perspective; the transference of limitations and contradictions of these grades to the competence of the dispositive operators, emerged in an outstanding way, as sometimes those operators are liable for the emergent limitations and difficulties, and some other times they are restrained by their institutional role, which is to maintain the domination relations articulated by the dispositive; finally, some aspects extracted which the dispositive operators - when they were expected to act in a way to maintain certain power relations - were capable to resist, managing other power relations from the dispositive, that we call, as Agamben, dispositive profanity
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
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Patriarchy is a dominating system that establishes male power in social relations as the social-ideological system and the structuring element of several ways of men‟s domination on gender social relations, on organization of social life, on private relations, and on political decision spaces. In this study we enlarge our reflection about patriarchy from the analysis of Forró lyrics, more specifically the variation known as stylized. Of late decades, it is a kind of music that has been receiving a large acceptance all over the national territory, making use of everyday expressions that propagate and make apology to many forms of discrimination, oppression and violence against women. We emphasize that over this study 14 Forró lyrics were analyzed of different styles besides stylized, like the traditional and the double meaning ones. However, we dwelled on the content analysis, particularly in three Stylized Forró lyrics, they are: Tapa na Cara (2008) by Saia Rodada Band; Mulher Roleira (2004), Aviões do Forró Band; and Bomba no Cabaré (2007), Matruz com Leite Band. In order to make a critical analysis of the elements in the lyrics content, we support ourselves on the theoretic-methodological references of the dialectical materialism, a method that allowed us to get closer to the totality of the reality that includes the popular involvement of the analyzed lyrics in a qualitative way. In that sense, we hold onto the theoretic-methodological categories: gender social relations, patriarchy, violence against women, ideology and cultural industry. As from the lyrics compilation, they were arranged by theme, we classified and analyzed the content, which allowed us to comprehend the messages in the lyrics, beyond the text shows at first sight. Today, there are many mechanisms of propagation and perpetuation of patriarchal ideology. A very relevant mechanism of this phenomenon is the sexual violence. The violence against women is a form to propagate and keep sexism, which may occur in different ways, like physical, psychological, sexual, patrimonial and social. Through our study we established that the propagation of the violence against women as being something natural and banal, giving reinforcement to the asymmetric construction of gender relations that priorizes male to the detriment of female. This banalization is perhaps, one of the strongest allies of this phenomenon‟s perpetuation, that affects women all over the world from different social classes
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This thesis is consisted of a theoretical and empirical study about the treatment given by media, particularly on telejournalism, to violence against women. It aims to analyze and reflect about the role of media, particularly television, on the process of reproduction of patriarchy system of gender on the context of Brazilian society, from content and narrative news about crimes committed against Andreia Rodrigues and Eliza Samudio. In light of the critical perspective, we seek to apprehend the particularities of patriarchy as a system of domination and subjugation of women, and also reveal the involvement of traditional means of media on reproduction and maintenance of inequality between men and women. To apprehend that reality, we had as guidance a critical social theory, grounded in historical-dialectical materialism which enabled us to apprehend the phenomenon under investigation actually enrolled in a dynamic and contradictory reality. The research had qualitative approach. We appeal to the specialized literature of the area from classical and contemporary authors. We conducted a content analysis of categorized matters, and interviews with individuals involved in issues of gender and / or communication. The critical examination of the matters indicated that television journalism is permeated by the contradictions inherent in social life, means that states and restates the ideology of ruling classes, their values and worldviews, but also express conflicts and social demands. The study revealed that prevails on television playing stereotypes and gender inequalities. We could also see that violence against women gets a sensationalist overblown approach and with no insights on the social relations that determine and base it.
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This research analyzes the Rio Grande do Norte care services to women who face violence in the context of contemporary capitalism. To do so, we situate the patriarchy in the set of current social relations and its relationship with the corporate determinations in everyday life. The new functions of the Patriarchy in the capital sociability permeates the lives of individuals and particularizes the relationships of violence which affects women, requiring, in the immediate level, policy-making to face them. The research found an arsenal of contradictory possibilities and limitations in dealing with violence. In this process, forms of struggle and resistance predominate, which appear as possibilities and limits were identified relate to the socio-historical context of regression of the rights, historical moment in which increase the objective difficulties in everyday life to ensure the legal achievements. It is worth to emphasize the achievements and contradictions that characterize the struggle process for rights, linking services to women to the social policies and to the limits they face in opposition to the aims of the State to meet the mandatory requirements of capital, reducing its role as the main guarantor of policies and rights. In this sense, the trajectory of the achievements that have referred to the proclamation of a specific law to deal with combat violence against women, the Maria da Penha Law - 11.340/06, which provides an integrated set of measures that, if implemented, would allow the women protection from relations of violence they experience. We identified in Rio Grande do Norte precarious services that are essential to achieve the Maria da Penha Law. This situation requires a feminist organization to claim the rights that enable women to see themselves as people with rights in the process of collective struggle. This is the historical need for continuity of struggles that accumulate policies for the existence of a new model of social relations of gender. One of the possibilities that are presented in the current context is the impact on the public budget in order to ensure compliance with the budget for public policies for women - woman budget. In this perspective, feminist segments in national and state level have been organized to understand the functioning and monitoring of social policies. This is a condition and prerequisite for ensuring policies to ensure basic rights and the violence combat , which still requires an integrated set of services. The survey results allow us to consider that the struggle for rights is necessary at this historical moment, however it is not sufficient in human emancipation, which requires new forms of social relations that determine substantive equality between men and women. Thus, the feminist movement faces the challenge to organize and strengthen itself in daily life, in order to execute a project that changes the meaning of women's rights, articulated to a corporate project which wants other command in the set of social relations . This study emphasizes the need for a more and more organic connection between feminism and social struggles, to ensure the inclusion of women in anti-capitalist struggle
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This paper discusses the expression of informality in contemporary capitalism. Thematic of relevance to the analysis of the reality of work today and the logic that moves the capital, its real presence in the lives of individuals. The street trading of Pau dos Ferros town, popularly known as "street market" was chosen as the search space. The main objective is to seize and examine the articulations and logic, present in the configuration of the street trading of this city, located in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, explaining the functionality of informality for capitalist accumulation, but also for the reproduction of segments of the working class. Our analysis is based in the perspective of totality, trying to grasp the historical determinations of the phenomenon in focus. It includes the analysis of the mechanisms used by the capital to reproduce itself in the current historical context, which has been implicated in the composition of the labor markets of different countries and in various forms of exploitation to which workers in general are subject. It also means discussing the development of capitalism in Brazil, the logic that permeates its dependence, and especially the use of over-exploitation of labor, as a lever for internal accumulation. The course of investigation consisted of theoretical research to form the basis of theoretical and methodological analysis and to outline the context in which our research object is inserted, and field research conducted in two phases: systematic observation, which allowed to map traders features and the infrastructure of commerce, and the conduction of interviews with key informants. The material collected was scrutinized according to analytical scheme inspired by the content analysis. Among the main considerations developed from the research process we include: the street trading of Pau dos Ferros remains shrouded in the majority sale of agricultural products, this demonstrates the structural characteristics of the region. However, the supply of this product is no longer restricted to the excess of small local producers. The presence of the dealer changed the distribution of the product, streamlining it. In parallel, business practices are developed, practices in which traded goods (industrial) reflect the moment of capitalist restoration, a larger business network. The reflections also made it possible to show that street trading follows developing on the basis of informal work, which gains functionality to the system, as it is configured as a space commonly used to drain part of the production, of industries (clothing/shoes), especially if the distribution is considered as an essential element of the complex process that aims at capital appreciation. This activity has been functioning as a place of employment and income generation for the subjects who are away from formal employment, masking, this way, unemployment, moreover, they allow them to continue as consumers. Such expressions reflect the ability and the logic of capital to expand and aggregate into so many realities. It is underway today, the logic that has led many workers to join the project of domination of capital, by the illusory chance to become capitalists. The aim has been to turn the subject into a consumer and the worker an enterprising
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The problematic that gives shape to this research is the question of the historical process of demobilization of the movement of the working classes in your accented contemporary moment. Their object of study, however, and that it particularizes, it relates to a portion this problematic; it relates to set of determinations that comprise a broader set of determinations of this historical process: it is a set of determinations forged and mediated by bourgeois strategies of management for the conformation of the circumstances necessary for the domination and for the conduct of labor force on operations in work processes for the production of surplus value. What we investigated are, because, the strategies of disarticulation that the bourgeoisie utilizes, under the mantle of subsidies conceptual and interventive of its management of work processes and the sieve of class struggles, to obstruct the union of workers; hamper the movements proletarians. Managerial strategies that intentionally or unintentionally, instill in the social relations of production means to produce and reproduce, activate and reactivate conditions of incitement of individualism and competition between the workers themselves. We shall see, thus, by analyzing means, centrally, from some of the fundamentals of disarticulation in the managerial strategies bourgeois and some of the fundamental strategies of management bourgeois hegemonized with the restructuring productive of 1970, that the disarticulation, and also the demobilization, is a concrete condition, is an objective condition, that is beyond a question that can be "solved" only by enlightenment cognitive, only by formation criticism intellectual. In everyday of the work spaces permeated by managerial strategies bourgeois there elements, then, operating as a material force putting difficulties important for the articulation of the workers, the solidarity of the proletariat; elements that constitute obstacle significant to an awareness of class and belonging; elements act in favor of the atomization of the worker - even if engenders, in the same process, as a contradiction, potentiality of resistance and fight the forces of labor
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