880 resultados para Social movements, Legal mobilization, Guatemalan refugees in Mexico, Mamá Maquín, ICHR


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El objetivo del presente estudio de caso es analizar y describir la política pública encargada de brindar asistencia consular a los colombianos detenidos en México. Dicha política implementada en el primer gobierno del presidente Juan Manuel Santos Calderón, ha contribuido a mejorar la situación de los nacionales privados de su libertad fortaleciendo la figura institucional del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores a través del Consulado y las herramientas empleadas durante su administración. Sin embargo, mediante la perspectiva teórica de Richard Elmore, se recalca la importancia de la participación de diversos actores dentro del proceso de implementación de la política pública, realizando recomendaciones en busca de mejorar y generar aportes a la política para responder a la realidad social que viven los connacionales detenidos.

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Esta monografía busca analizar cómo el fenómeno de los refugiados ambientales que se generó a partir del terremoto en Haití de 2010, ha influido sobre el complejo de seguridad en la región de el Caribe, desde el 2010 hasta el 2015, teniendo en cuenta la crisis social provocada por el desastre ambiental, ya que en razón de la carencia de estatus legal y de amenazas interdependientes y multidimensionales obligó a los Estados del área a modificar sus políticas de seguridad, mediante la interacción de los países, puesto que se presentaron diferentes cambios en las relaciones del complejo de seguridad, lo cual determino nuevas transformaciones en la securitización de la región. Esta monografía recurrirá a la teoría de Complejos de Seguridad Regional de autores como: Barry Buzan, Ole Waever, Derrick Frazier y Robert Stewart.

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Se analiza la perspectiva legal de la Educación Especial en España en periodo comprendido entre 1970-2007. De un modo transversal aparecen también aspectos de gran importancia. Entre ellos podemos resaltar los referidos a los cambios de denominación que se van produciendo con los cambios legales; especialmente también el paulatino cambio que va desde un modelo de Educación Especial que segrega a los alumnos que tienen determinadas discapacidades, a otro que busca la integración escolar, para terminar al final de este período por una apuesta decidida por la inclusión. Otro aspecto que aparece es la búsqueda de la suma de los esfuerzos de la Administración con la iniciativa social y privada.

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RESUMO: Estamos a vivenciar dois fatos paradoxais: de um lado, uma organização da escola instituída que gera a autoconservação das práticas do professor e, do outro, tendências nos plano científico e do discurso político que apelam ao retorno ao ator - que reconhece o professor como sujeito de seu saber e fazer. Foi neste contexto que se realizou a pesquisa subjacente a esta tese sobre a formação docente num projeto de escolarização que se fundamenta numa perspetiva de educação popular contra-hegemónica, edificada, no Brasil, como ‗educação do campo‘. Buscou-se compreender a vivência docente, suas perceções e aprendizagens. Desenvolveu-se a investigação a partir das questões: é possível, no contexto atual de mudanças sociais direcionadas ao processo cada vez maior de individuação docente, a formação em democracia participativa numa experiência de educação popular? Como ela se estabelece? O que ela nos ensina? A metodologia assentou na observação participativa das reuniões de planeamento, avaliação e replaneamento dos(as) professores(as) e coordenadores, numa proposta local de educação do campo - do Programa Nacional de Educação na Reforma agrária. As reuniões e escolarização ocorreram em Ilhéus/Bahia/Brasil, durante os anos de 2005-2006. As referências teóricas para a análise empírica do material coletado foram: a perspetiva da reflexão-ação emancipatória de Carr e Kemmis (1998), que compreende as instituições educacionais criadas por pressões sociais e políticas; e a conceção de emancipação desenvolvida por Freire e por Habermas, assente na ação comunicativa/dialógica. Para a análise utilizou-se o método da Análise Crítica de Discurso (ACD), cuja principal referência foi Fairclough. Nas narrativas das reuniões percebeu-se o desenvolvimento de uma polidez positiva – atos de fala que demonstram o falante desejando estabelecer o consenso com ouvinte; assinalada por estruturas modais que direcionaram para a abertura de relacionamento e participação mútua entre professores(as) e coordenadores do projeto. O conteúdo manifesto das falas amparou-se numa perspetiva de educador que se constrói na prática, e, ao mesmo tempo, a constrói, mas que, entretanto, necessita de aportes teóricos críticos no processo de embate epistémico entre os saberes da vida quotidiana concreta e os saberes científicos. A função interpessoal foi expressa pela arquitetura dialógica, permitindo um processo de construção mútua de escola e professores(as). Pode-se afirmar que a prática analisada indica que nestes tempos, de controlo intenso das instituições escolares, de competição, de solidão, é obviamente necessária a organização coletiva de professores (as), de movimentos sociais e universidades, amparados e financiados por ordenamentos legais (conquistados pela população), para consolidar e ampliar projetos críticos de escolarização, mudando, reciprocamente, escolas e professores(as). ABSTRACT: We are experiencing two paradoxical facts: the organization of the established school which generates the self-preservation of teaching practices and, on the other hand, there is a political and scientific trend that claims the return of the ―actor‖ – the teacher being the subject of his knowledge and actions. It was therefore in this context, that the underlying research for this Thesis was conducted. It concerns to the teacher training in an educational project which is based on the perspective of a counter-hegemonic and popular education available to people at the Brazilian countryside – also called ―Field Education‖. We searched the understanding of the educational experience, its perceptions and learning. The investigation was developed from two fundamental questions: Is it possible to have the experience of a popular education system in a functioning democracy, at the light of the recent social changes that lead to a greater individuation? How is it established? What can we learn from it? The methodology was settled on the participant observation of the planning and evaluation meetings of teachers and coordinators of the National Education Program in the Land Reform in Brazil. These meetings occurred in Ilheús- Bahia- Brazil during the years of 2005-2006. The theoretical references to the empirical analyses of the material collected were: the perspective of the reflection – action emancipative of Carr & Kemmis (1998), which comprehends the educational institutions created by social and political pressures; and the conception of emancipation developed by Freire and Habermas, which is settled on the communicative-dialogical action. For the analysis it was elected the method of Critical Analysis of Discourse (CAD),which main reference was Fairclough. During the account of the meetings it was noticed the development of a positive politeness – which reveals the desire of the speaker to reach an agreement with the listener, signalized by modal structures that directed to an open and participative relationship between teachers and coordinators of the project. The manifest content of the speeches was sustained by the educator perspective, which is built on the daily practice. However, it needs some basic theoretical contributions to the epistemic struggle between concrete ordinary life and the scientific knowledge. The interpersonal function was expressed by dialogical architecture, allowing a mutual process of construction that involves the school and the teachers. The practice analyzed indicates that, more than ever, due to the massive control of the institutions, the extreme competition and solitude, the collective organization of the teachers, the social movements and the universities is necessary. They should be supported and financed by legal systems to consolidated and amplify important education projects, bringing necessary changes for schools and teachers reciprocally.

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El ensayo analiza la visión que la historiografía tradicional ha consolidado sobre la participación popular en la Independencia de Colombia y explora los temas que la más reciente historiografía sobre este período ha cuestionado y renovado. Entre dichos temas se encuentran: las guerras de independencia como expresión de conflictos preexistentes, la reducción de los términos del enfrentamiento únicamente a los bandos republicano y realista, el recurso al pueblo como mecanismo de presión y legitimidad, la reelaboración del discurso republicano entre los sectores populares, y la movilización indígena antirrepublicana. El artículo concluye presentando algunas propuestas que enriquecerían la comprensión de la política popular desplegada a lo largo de las guerras de independencia.

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Después de las movilizaciones masivas del 2000 al 2005 que llevaron a Evo Morales y su partido a la presidencia se esperaba una incorporación positiva de los sectores populares, campesinos e indígenas a la arena política. Este artículo analiza por qué en su segundo gobierno (2010-2014) esa expectativa cedió paso a una creciente conflictividad con importantes movimientos sociales que lo llevaron al poder. Argumenta que la priorización de políticas de Estado generó fuertes tensiones en la amplia y heterogénea coalición social surgida de las luchas antineoliberales.

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This paper describes the results of field research to dissect how social interactions differ between two reserves in Paraguay having very different styles of governance. The two reserves were Mbaracayu Natural Forest Reserve (Reserva Natural del Bosque de Mbaracayti, RNBM) and San Rafael Managed Resource Reserve (Reserva de Recursos Manejados San Rafael, RRMSR). RNBM is a private reserve owned by a non-governmental organisation. while RRNISR is a publicly-managed reserve, albeit with a substantial degree of private land ownership. Both reserves are intended to protect Atlantic Forest, one of the five world biodiversity 'hotspots', and also one of the most highly threatened. Each reserve and its buffer zone comprises a set of stakeholders, including indigenous communities and farmers, and the paper explores the interactions between these and the management regime. Indeed, while the management regimes of the two reserves are different, one being highly top-down (RNBM) and the other more socially inclusive (RRMSR), the issues that they have to deal with are much the same. However, while both management regimes will readily acknowledge the need to address poverty, inequality appears to be a far more sensitive issue. Whereas this may be expected for the privately-owned RNBM it is perhaps more surprising in RRNISR even when allowing for the fact that much of the land in the latter is in private hands. It is argued that the origins of this sensitivity rest within the broader features of Paraguayan society, and the prevalence of private land ownership. Yet ironically, it is the inequality in land ownership that is perhaps the most significant threat to conservation in both reserves. Therefore, while reserve-level analyses can provide some insight into the driving forces at play in the interaction between conservation and sustainable management, larger scales may be necessary to gain a fuller appreciation of the dynamics operating at site level. Even in a society with a history of centralised control these dynamics may be surprising. (c) 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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The present study suggests that human metapneumovirus (hMPV) is an important cause of community acquired respiratory infections in children. We report the detection of hMPV in a pediatric population with influenza-like illness in the subtropical area of Yucatan in Mexico. Our data also shows that hMPV circulates in the community with other respiratory pathogens.

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Background: Research on depression has identified hyperactivity of the HPA axis as a potential contributory factor to the intergenerational transmission of affective symptoms. However, this has not yet been examined in the context of social phobia. The current study compared HPA axis activity in response to a universal social stressor (starting school) in children of 2 groups of women: one with social phobia and one with no history of anxiety (comparison group). To determine specificity of effects of maternal social phobia, a third group of children were also examined whose mothers had generalised anxiety disorder (GAD). Method: Children provided salivary cortisol samples in the morning, afternoon and at bedtime across 3 time-blocks surrounding the school start: a month before starting school (baseline), the first week at school (stress response), and the end of the first school term (stress recovery). Child behavioural inhibition at 14 months was also assessed to explore the influence of early temperament on later stress responses. Results: All children displayed an elevation in morning and afternoon cortisol from baseline during the first week at school, which remained elevated until the end of the first term. Children in the social phobia group, however, also displayed an equivalent elevation in bedtime cortisol, which was not observed for comparison children or for children of mothers with GAD. Children in the social phobia group who were classified as 'inhibited' at 14 months displayed significantly higher afternoon cortisol levels overall. Summary: A persistent stress response to school in the morning and afternoon is typical for all children, but children of mothers with social phobia also display atypical elevations in evening cortisol levels when at school - signalling long-term disruption of the circadian rhythm in HPA axis activity. This is the first study to report HPA axis disruption in children at risk of developing social phobia, and future research should aim to determine whether this represents a pathway for symptom development, taking early temperament into account.

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Reading comprehension is an area of difficulty for many individuals with autism spectrum disorders (ASD). According to the Simple View of Reading, word recognition and oral language are both important determinants of reading comprehension ability. We provide a novel test of this model in 100 adolescents with ASD of varying intellectual ability. Further, we explore whether reading comprehension is additionally influenced by individual differences in social behaviour and social cognition in ASD. Adolescents with ASD aged 14-16 years completed assessments indexing word recognition, oral language, reading comprehension, social behaviour and social cognition. Regression analyses show that both word recognition and oral language explain unique variance in reading comprehension. Further, measures of social behaviour and social cognition predict reading comprehension after controlling for the variance explained by word recognition and oral language. This indicates that word recognition, oral language and social impairments may constrain reading comprehension in ASD.

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For children with autism, social challenges may be both part of the disability and a barrier to accessing education. This paper reports on a project which used drama to address such challenges by drawing on the social skills of non-autistic peers in a special school setting. The paper demonstrates how drama’s flexibility may be harnessed in order to help students support each other’s development of creative and communicative skills. Focusing on two children in particular, specific examples are given to illustrate how they participated in group work, made imaginative contributions to verbal and physical representations, and engaged with abstract ideas. The project’s outcomes suggest, given a concrete structure and an invitation to collaborate, drama can be a powerful learning medium for children with ASD. The conclusion reflects on the diverse meaning of inclusive practice which can be achieved within specialist settings.

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The concept of ‘homonationalism’ refers to deployments of gay rights for racist and Islamophobic ends, resulting in the consolidation of more sexually inclusive, but racially exclusionary, ideas of citizenship. This article critiques some of the analyses that the concept has inspired in both activist and academic contexts. The critique concentrates on two texts, showing that they make inappropriate rhetorical moves and inaccurate or unsubstantiated claims, and that rather than unearthing structural undercurrents of racism from certain texts or events, they project such structures onto them. While the validity of ‘homonationalism’ as an analytical category is not disputed, some of its propounders assume its explanatory power to be greater than it appears to be. The implications of this critique for gay rights activism and reform are explored.

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In both Hawaiian and Tahitian, the central meaning of mahu denotes gender-variant individuals, particularly male-bodied persons who have a significant investment in femininity. However, in Hawai‘i, unlike Tahiti, the word mahu is now more commonly used as an insult against gay or transgender people. The negative connotation of the term in Hawaiian indexes lower levels of social acceptability for mahu identity on O‘ahu (Hawai‘i’s most populous island) as compared to Tahiti. The article argues that these differences are partly due to a historical legacy of sexually repressive laws. The article traces the history of sodomy laws in these two Polynesian societies and argues that this history supports the hypothesis that sodomy laws (in conjunction with such social processes as urbanisation and Christianisation) are partially to blame for the diminished social status of mahu on O‘ahu. A different social and legal history in Tahiti accounts for the fact that the loss of social status experienced by Tahitian mahu has been lesser than that of their Hawaiian counterparts.