675 resultados para Divine omnipotence


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This paper is dedicated to our friend Divine Ikenwilo, who passed away on the 27th November 2015. Divine was a gifted researcher who was taken from us too early and will be sorely missed by everyone in the team. Our thoughts are with his family. This research was funded by a research grant (CGZ/2/533) from the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government. The Health Economics Research Unit is funded by the Scottish Government Health and Social Care Directorate. The usual disclaimer applies.

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A religião de Umbanda ocupa grande espaço na vida e no imaginário religioso brasileiro, e adota as lendas, mitos e folclore da cultura popular brasileira. Desprovida de texto sagrado, a Umbanda rejeita a ideia do entendimento de uma literatura sagrada como pressuposto para uma ligação com o divino, sendo mais preocupada com a experiência religiosa e do sagrado, como ponte entre a dimensão humana e divina. Embora de comum acordo sobre a importância da prática na religião de Umbanda, existe um forte debate teológico na questão do valor principal para as práticas e vida religiosa do filho de santo. De um lado, temos a Doutrina Esotérica que aposta na produção textual e teórica e, de outro, temos a Umbanda de popular, que aposta na experiência pessoal do filho de santo com a tradição oral e as práticas religiosas. De sua fundação até a presente data, a Umbanda Esotérica tem apostado na formação acadêmica como base principal para a instrumentalização do filho de santo para a prática no terreiro, assim como publicação de textos, livros, artigos, oferecimento de cursos e a criação da primeira instituição especializada de ensino, a Faculdade de Teologia Umbandista. Se por um lado, para alguns, isso possa parecer uma abertura para a modernização e melhor aceitação das práticas de origem africanas, para outros, representa uma limitação na prática e na experiência do filho de santo devido à racionalidade do espaço acadêmico. Desse modo, pretendo investigar esse conflito no discurso e nas suas especificidades, estudando literatura especializada e orgânica, tendo como eixo de investigação a seguinte questão: O que é mais importante para as práticas religiosas em Umbanda, a formação prática ou a acadêmica?

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Le récit de la Pentecôte (Actes des Apôtres 2) présente au lecteur un élément particulier qui se retrouve rarement dans le canon biblique : les « langues comme de feu ». Seuls les passages d’Isaïe 5,24 et Actes 2,3 utilisent cette expression; pourtant, leurs contextes diffèrent largement. Nous trouvons certains commentaires rabbiniques et fragments de rouleaux de la Mer Morte qui emploient cette même expression, et la littérature gréco-romaine utilise une image similaire où un feu divin se pose sur la tête de certains personnages. Puisque la fonction de cet élément diffère d’un ouvrage littéraire à un autre, comment devons-nous interpréter les langues de feu dans le récit de la Pentecôte? Les commentaires bibliques qui examinent cet élément proposent différentes hypothèses sur la symbolique des langues de feu. Afin de répondre à cette problématique, nous commencerons notre étude avec une présentation sur l’état de la question et des approches synchroniques utilisées. Nous présenterons ensuite l’analyse structurelle du récit de la Pentecôte afin de percevoir la place que notre expression occupe dans cette péricope. Au chapitre trois, nous ferons une analyse grammaticale de notre segment afin de voir la fonction grammaticale de l’expression, et présenter une recension des ouvrages hébraïques et gréco-romains qui utilisent cette expression ou une image similaire. Enfin, l’analyse philologique des termes γλῶσσα et πῦρ sera élaborée et comparée à l’utilisation retrouvée dans le livre des Actes des Apôtres. Subséquemment, nous serons en mesure de porter un regard critique sur quelques interprétations proposées afin de percevoir que la mise en réseau structurel du membre γλῶσσαι ὡσεὶ πυρός, avec les termes répétitifs et synonymiques du récit, nous orientent à percevoir l’accomplissement de la promesse du Saint-Esprit, qui à son tour habilite le croyant à réaliser la mission donnée : la proclamation du message christologique à toutes les ethnies.

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The Laws is generally regarded as Plato’s attempt to engage with the practical realities of political life, as opposed to the more idealistic, or utopian, vision of the Republic. Yet modern scholars have often felt disquieted at the central role of religion in the Laws’ second-best city and regime. There are essentially the two dominant interpretations on offer today: either religion supports a repressive theocracy, which controls every aspect of the citizens’ lives to such an extent that even philosophy itself is discouraged, or religion is an example of the kind of noble lie, which the philosopher must deceive the citizens into believing—viz., that a god, not a man, is the author of the regime’s laws. I argue that neither of these interpretations do justice to the dialogue’s intricately dramatic structure, and therefore to Plato’s treatment of civil religion. What I propose is a third position in which Plato both takes seriously the social and political utility of religion, and views theology as a legitimate, and even necessary, subject of philosophical inquiry without going so far as to advocate theocracy as the second best form of regime.

I conclude that a proper focus on the dialogue form, combined with a careful historical analysis of Plato’s use of social and political institutions, reveals an innovative yet traditional form of civil religion, purified of the harmful influence of the poets, based on the authority of the oracle at Delphi, and grounded on a philosophical conception of god as the eternal source of order, wisdom, and all that is good. Through a union of traditional Delphic theology and Platonic natural theology, Plato gives the city of the Laws a common cult acceptable to philosopher and non-philosopher alike, and thus, not only bridges the gap between religion and philosophy, but also creates a sense of community, political identity, and social harmony—the prerequisites for political order and stability. The political theology of the Laws, therefore, provides a rational defense of the rule of law (νόμος) re-conceived as the application of divine Reason (νοῦς) to human affairs.

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This study argues that Chaucer's poetry belongs to a far-reaching conversation about the forms of consolation (philosophical, theological, and poetic) that are available to human persons. Chaucer's entry point to this conversation was Boethius's Consolation of Philosophy, a sixth-century dialogue that tried to show how the Stoic ideals of autonomy and self-possession are not simply normative for human beings but remain within the grasp of every individual. Drawing on biblical commentary, consolation literature, and political theory, this study contends that Chaucer's interrogation of the moral and intellectual ideals of the Consolation took the form of philosophical disconsolations: scenes of profound poetic rupture in which a character, sometimes even Chaucer himself, turns to philosophy for solace and yet fails to be consoled. Indeed, philosophy itself becomes a source of despair. In staging these disconsolations, I contend that Chaucer asks his readers to consider the moral dimensions of the aspirations internal to ancient philosophy and the assumptions about the self that must be true if its insights are to console and instruct. For Chaucer, the self must be seen as a gift that flowers through reciprocity (both human and divine) and not as an object to be disciplined and regulated.

Chapter one focuses on the Consolation of Philosophy. I argue that recent attempts to characterize Chaucer's relationship to this text as skeptical fail to engage the Consolation on its own terms. The allegory of Lady Philosophy's revelation to a disconsolate Boethius enables philosophy to become both an agent and an object of inquiry. I argue that Boethius's initial skepticism about the pretentions of philosophy is in part what Philosophy's therapies are meant to respond to. The pressures that Chaucer's poetry exerts on the ideals of autonomy and self-possession sharpen one of the major absences of the Consolation: viz., the unanswered question of whether Philosophy's therapies have actually consoled Boethius. Chapter two considers one of the Consolation's fascinating and paradoxical afterlives: Robert Holcot's Postilla super librum sapientiae (1340-43). I argue that Holcot's Stoic conception of wisdom, a conception he explicitly links with Boethius's Consolation, relies on a model of agency that is strikingly similar to the powers of self-knowledge that Philosophy argues Boethius to posses. Chapter three examines Chaucer's fullest exploration of the Boethian model of selfhood and his ultimate rejection of it in Troilus and Criseyde. The poem, which Chaucer called his "tragedy," belonged to a genre of classical writing he knew of only from Philosophy's brief mention of it in the Consolation. Chaucer appropriates the genre to explore and recover mourning as a meaningful act. In Chapter four, I turn to Dante and the House of Fame to consider Chaucer's self-reflections about his ambitions as a poet and the demands of truth-telling.

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This thesis considers the archaeological evidence for female monasticism in medieval Ireland, with a particular emphasis on the later medieval period. Female monasticism has been considered from an archaeological perspective in several countries, most notably Britain, but has yet to be considered in any detail in Ireland. The study aims to bring together all the currently available evidence on female monasticism and consider it through an engendered archaeological approach. The data gathering for this research has been deliberately wide, and where gaps have been identified in the Irish evidence, comparative material from elsewhere has been considered. Nunneries should not be expected to conform to what has become the male monastic template of a claustrally-planned monastery. The research conducted shows a distinct and varied archaeology and architecture for medieval nunneries in Ireland which suggests that a claustral plan was not considered an essential part of a nunnery scheme. Nunneries provided an enclosed environment where women, for a variety of motives could become brides of Christ. Through the performance and celebration of the daily Divine Office, the Mass and seasonal liturgy, spaces used by the nunnery community were negotiated and transformed into a sacred Paradise on earth. However, rather than being isolated in the landscape nunneries in later medieval Ireland were located either within or close to walled towns, larger unenclosed settlements and settlement clusters and would have been well known throughout their hinterlands. This research concludes that nunneries were an intrinsic part of the medieval monastic landscape in Ireland and an essential component of patrons’ portfolios of patronage, at a particularly local level, and where they interacted closely with their local community.

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Feminist movements have allowed many female authors to become decisive and influential figures in literary history by studying their experiences, voices and forms of resistance. This thesis, however, focuses specifically on religious women, those seeking divine comfort outside the confines of institutional laws, or those who, out of protest, are caught in the middle. Founded on historical and feminist perspectives, this study examines the heterodox resistance of six French women living within or outside of Church boundaries during the 17th and 18th centuries: two eras that are particularly significant for women’s progress and modernity. This work strives to demonstrate how these women, doubly subjected to Church discourse and that of society, managed to live out their vocation (female and Christian) and make social, cultural and religious statements that contributed to changing the place of women in society. It aims to grasp the similarities and differences between the actions and ideas of women belonging to both the religious and secular spheres. Regardless of the century, the space and their background, women resist to masculine, patriarchal, ecclesial, political and social mediation and institutions. In locating examples of how they oppose the practices, rules and constraints that are imposed upon them, as well as of their exclusion from the socio-political space, this thesis also seeks to identify epistemological changes that mark the transition from the 17th to the 18th century. This thesis firstly outlines the necessary feminist theory upon which the project is based before identifying the evolution of women’s positions within the socio-ideological and political framework in which they lived. The questions of confession and spiritual direction are of particular interest since they serve as prime examples of masculine mediation and its issues and consequences – most notably the control of the female body and mind. The illustration of bodily metamorphoses bear testament to ideological changes, cultural awareness and female subjectivity, just as the scriptural inscriptions of unorthodox ideas and writing. The female body, both object and subject of the quest for individual and collective liberties, attests, in this way, to the movement towards Enlightenment values of freedom and justice.

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This article focuses on the analysis of the concept of love in the religious philosophy of Pavel Florensky, who shares the ontological approach to the consideration of love with other representatives of Russian religious philosophy (N. berdyaev and S. bulgakov). We pay more careful attention to the understanding of love-άγαπαν by Florensky. We have drawn the conclusion that, in the philosophy of P. Florensky, Love, closely connected with truth and beauty, is considered an ontological basis existence of personality. We develop the ideas of Pavel Florensky, and accordingly assume that it is possible to synthesise love-agape and love-eros around the idea of sacrificial love. Agapelogical and erotical ‘bezels’ of one jewel of love is aspects of united love, which is given by God. this gift of God, the gift of united love, is kept by humans through prayer and deeds of love.

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The following paper examines Walter Benjamin’s reflection on the category of “redemption”, mainly developed in the theses On the concept of History. To this end, we will try firstly to reconstruct Benjamin’s critique of “fate”, as it unfolds in the twenties on the field of right, economy and, especially, history. The critique of the expiatory logic of “fate” – developed in essays such as Fate and Character, Critique of violence or Capitalism as religion – will then allow us to disclose the “dialectical” structure of redemption, whereby Benjamin mobilizes his previous theory of knowledge against the doctrine of progress.

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Analysis of the word lancea, of Hispanic origin after Varro, and of place names, people´s names and personal names derived from it. It confirms that the spear was the most important weapon in the Bronze Age, belonging to the iuventus and used as heroic and divine symbol. This analysis confirms also the personality of the Lusitanians, a people related to the Celts but with more archaic archaeological, linguistic and cultural characteristics originated in the tradition of the Atlantic Bronze in the II millennium BC. It is also relevant to better know the organisation of Broze and Iron Age societies and the origin of Indo-Europeans peoples in Western Europe and of pre-Roman peoples of Iberia.

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El trabajo se centra en el análisis de los pecados relacionados con el dinero en el Inferno de Dante y en la primera traducción castellana de la primera cantiga de la Commedia, obra del arcediano de Burgos Pedro Fernández de Villegas. La traducción, compuesta en coplas de arte mayor y acompañada de un enciclopédico comentario, se publicó en 1515. Particular atención se dedica a la reflexión sobre el problema del mal uso del dinero que Villegas desarrolla en la glosa de los cantos en que con más vigor se levanta la voz de Dante para denunciar la gravedad del pecado de la sed de riquezas. Se analiza la postura del traductor español ante el tema comparándola no sólo con la de Dante sino también con la de Cristoforo Landino, autor del Comento sopra la Comedia, obra exégetica que se publicó por primera vez en Florencia en 1481 y que representó el punto de referencia privilegiado de Villegas.

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El discernimiento de espíritus ha sido a lo largo de la historia del cristianismo un mecanismo fundamental para el control del acceso al carisma. Su desarrollo ha estado profundamente ligado a los cambios en la estructura social de las iglesias. Por ello buscamos aportar nuevas miradas sobre este dispositivo, analizándolo en el contexto de las periferias cristianas. Específicamente centraremos nuestro análisis en las iglesias evangélicas aborígenes mocoví del suroeste de la provincia del Chaco en Argentina. Nos aproximaremos a estas cuestiones a partir del análisis a la estructura social de estas iglesias, sus concepciones sobre los vínculos con las potencias no-humanas, la gestión de salud y enfermedad y la experiencia del culto.

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La tesis mariológica de la conceptio per aurem, según la cual la Virgen María habría concebido a Jesucristo por el oído en el momento de escuchar del ángel el mensaje celestial anunciándole que, sin perder su virginidad, sería madre del Hijo de Dios encarnado, ha merecido hasta ahora muy pocos estudios académicos rigurosamente fundados en fuentes primarias. De hecho, en la literatura especializada son muy escasas las referencias a tal teoría y, cuando algún estudioso la evoca, casi siempre se contenta con aludir a ella, sin aportar pruebas documentales. Sin embargo, tal como lo revelan las nueve pinturas italianas aquí analizadas, esa teoría fue ilustrada mediante sutiles metáforas visuales en muchas obras pictóricas medievales, las cuales se inspiraron en una sólida tradición literaria. Además una pléyade de Padres de la Iglesia y teólogos medievales testimonia, mediante afirmaciones explícitas, que semejante teoría gozó de notable aceptación entre los maestros del pensamiento cristiano. Basándose en numerosos textos patrísticos y teológicos, este artículo intenta dos objetivos esenciales: exponer, ante todo, las distintas formulaciones teóricas propuestas por esos pensadores; y además, tratar de poner en luz los significados dogmáticos que subyacen bajo esa sorprendente tesis.

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El culto a la diosa Isis, de origen egipcio aunque helenizado a partir del dominio macedónico, se expande por el mundo grecorromano hasta abarcar un espacio geográfico muy amplio, como nunca antes había conocido. Los testimonios literarios que se refieren a él en época altoimperial son abundantes y de distinta naturaleza, desde descripciones precisas de elementos clave hasta escritos hostiles por parte de autores cristianos con una intencionalidad muy clara. El análisis pormenorizado de estos textos se antoja necesario si se quiere llegar a conocer el estado en el que se encuentra el culto isíaco en un período como el Alto Imperio.

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Many 16th century Spanish chroniclers and missionaries, arriving at what they interpreted as a New World, saw the Devil as a “hermeneutic wildcard” that allowed them to comprehend indigenous religions. Pedro Cieza de León, a soldier in the conquest of Peru, is a case in point. Cieza considers the Devil responsible for the most aberrant religious practices and customs of the Indians, although he views the natives in a positive light, as men susceptible to divine salvation. From a providentialist perspective of the history of the conquest, Cieza interprets that the evangelization and conversion of the Indians and the implantation of Christian civilization by the Spanish Crown, were able to defeat the Devil.