Russia’s Middle East policy after the Arab revolutions. OSW Commentary No. 59, 2011-07-26

Russia’s policy towards the Middle East is instrumental. Its activity in the region has been growing since the middle of the last decade, and its aim is to help Moscow achieve its objectives in other areas, particularly in its policies towards the US and Europe, as well as its energy policy. The establishment of these political influences constitutes a bargaining chip for Russia in its relations with the US. Russia’s participation in resolving conflicts is aimed at building up its image as a supra-regional power. Russia’s Middle East policy is a key element in its contacts with the Muslim world. At the same time, Russia’s policy in the region remains cautious – despite its return to the region, Russia has not decided to ‘play’ for the Middle East, and its position and role in the region remain limited. The balance of power in the Middle East has been shifting in the aftermath of the Arab revolutions. However, it does not seem that they have opened up larger opportunities for Russian policy in the region. The Russian elite has been divided in its assessment of the consequences of these events. One part of it has displayed scepticism, treating the revolutions rather as a threat than a chance to strengthen their own position. The revolutions were not seen as democratisation processes, but rather as a destabilisation of the region and as posing an increased danger from radical Islam. For the other part of the elite, the revolutions were the natural consequence of the social changes occurring in the region. This internal dispute made it difficult for Russia to present a cohesive approach to the Arab revolutions, and its stance was reactive. The defensive position which Moscow adopted showed that Russia did not have the potential to mould the political situation, either in the region as a whole or its individual countries; neither did it display any willingness to do so. What Moscow is doing is positioning itself in such a way so as not to spoil relations with any other actor in the region, and to be able to exploit any possible emerging opportunities in case of further-reaching changes.

Repurposing Globalization: Discourse and Political Strategy in New Labour Britain. ACES Working Papers, 2012

As elsewhere in Europe and around the world, the discourse of globalization in the United Kingdom—the particular representation of the world as undergoing an epochal shift away from the traditional autonomy of the nation-state—has powerfully reshaped political debate. And this has had important distributional effects on the balance of power in the political party system, most notably in the return to power of the Labour Party as “New Labour” under the leadership of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. But while it is known that articulations of globalization are embedded in the political system, a systematic analysis linking such discourse with party competition is lacking. In this paper, I propose that many features of the globalist language invoked by New Labour can be explained in terms of concrete strategic aims. Working with concepts of “heresthetics” and “bricolage” drawn from a synthesis of literatures, I illustrate this approach through several representative texts. These findings are then used to make predictions about the kind of globalization discourse to expect in the communications of two nationalist parties in the UK—“least likely” cases for globalism—which can be explored further as part of a larger research program.

National independence; or, A common-sense policy,

Employment demands protection.--Why any exclusive policy?--The free trade trap.--Protection enriched us, not free trade.--Free trade poisons patriotism.--Kill industries and commerce dies.--Theories are dangerous guides.--Industrial displacements spell ruin.--Independence the only policy.--The fatal policy of laissez faire.--"Cheap and nasty."--Our unearned increment.--Free trade a spiteful mistress.--The fertility of character.--We cultivate weakness, not strength.--Britons can manage British business.--Second markets.--The country's average wage.--If trusts, then British trusts.--Labour's true interests.--Germany and her navy.--Class-hatred is suicide.--The tax on wheat.--The little-Englander rat.--The seeds of decay.--Education and patriotism.--Intemperate legislators.--National strongholds.--Futile scheming.--The balance of power.--The suffragette among nations.--Naval warfare in the future.--Universal service.--Broken reeds.

Die Idee des europäischen Gleichgewichts in der publizistischen Literatur vom 16. bis zu Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts /

Appeared in part (p. 1-44) as the author's inaugural dissertation, Berlin, 1906.

Fragmente aus der neusten Geschichte des politischen Gleichgewichts in Europa.

Mode of access: Internet.

COMUNICAÇÃO EMPRESARIAL, INTERATIVIDADE E REDES SOCIAIS: ESTUDO DE CASO DA EMBRAPA SOLOS

Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo de analisar como a interatividade e a transparência passaram a ser os novos paradigmas da comunicação empresarial e a forma como as empresas estão lidando com esta nova realidade, manifestada com o surgimento e proliferação das redes sociais. Não apenas a comunicação corporativa, mas o marketing e o atendimento ao cliente foram profundamente afetados pela Web 2.0 e este trabalho procura fazer uma reflexão deste novo momento, ao optar por um estudo qualitativo, onde foram aplicados questionários estruturados e semi-estruturados, além da observação participante. Trata-se de um estudo de caso na Embrapa Solos, o primeiro centro de pesquisa da Empresa Brasileira de Pesquisa Agropecuária a implantar blogs corporativos quando pouco se falava no assunto. Nos últimos cinco anos, desde que os primeiros posts foram publicados, muita coisa mudou na delicada balança de poder x informação/ empresa x consumidor. Este estudo conclui que apesar dos avanços que os blogs proporcionaram não só à Embrapa Solos, mas em outras empresas que adotaram esta e outras redes sociais, ainda há um longo caminho a ser percorrido, de horizontalização de estruturas e real democratização da informação.

Understanding change in the public sector:a local authority case study

Increasingly managers in the public sector are being required to manage change, but many of the models of change which are available to them have been developed from private sector experience. There is a need to understand more about how the change process unfolds in the public sector. A case study of change in one local authority over the period 1974-87 is provided. The events surrounding housing decentralisation and the introduction of community development are considered in detail. To understand these events a twofold model of change is proposed: a short wave model which explains a change project or event; and a long wave model which considers how these projects or events might be linked together to provide a picture of an organisation over a longer period. The short wave model identifies multiple triggers of change and signals the importance of mediators in recognising these triggers. The extent to which new ideas are implemented and the pace of their adoption is influenced by the balance of power within the organisation and the political tactics which are used. Broad phases in the change process can be identified, but there is not a simple linear passage through these. The long wave model considers the way in which continuity and change feed off one another. It suggests that periods of relative stability may be interspersed with more radical transformations as the dominant paradigm guiding the organisation shifts. However, such paradigmatic shifts in local government may be less obvious than in the private sector due to the diverse nature of the former.

Sjuksköterskans upplevelse av humorns betydelse i psykiatrisk omvårdnad - En intervjustudie

Bakgrund: Sjuksköterskan förväntas arbeta med patientens bästa i fokus och hon möter många allvarliga situationer där själva existensen står på spel och där sjuksköterskan behöver härbärgera starka känslor hos patienter och deras närstående, men också upprätthålla sin egen integritet och känslomässiga balans. Humor har visats vara ett kraftfullt men tveeggat verktyg i kommunikation och relationsbyggande. Inom psykiatrin kan detta verktyg förmodas behöva hanteras med särskilt kunskap och omsorg. Syfte: Att beskriva hur sjuksköterskan i psykiatrisk omvårdnad ser på humor som företeelse och hennes upplevelse av positiva respektive negativa effekter av att använda humor. Metod: Undersökningen utfördes med en kvalitativ innehållsanalys av halvstrukturerade intervjuer med fem sjuksköterskor verksamma inom psykiatrisk omvårdnad. Resultat: Humor sågs som ett viktigt verktyg inom psykiatrisk omvårdnad som det krävdes lyhördhet, respekt, fingertoppskänsla och timing för att kunna använda. Den huvudsakliga strategin för att använda humor var öppenhet för spontant humor i mötet men det gavs även exempel på medvetna interventioner. Humor öppnade möjligheter att få se verkligheten från nya perspektiv vilket var verksamt för att förändra negativa tankar samt lätta på ångest och negativa känslor. Humor underlättade kommunikation och kunde användas för att jämna ut maktbalanser. Det fanns risk för negativa effekter om humor användes för att trycka ner andra eller som verklighetsflykt. Psykiatriska patienter uppfattades som mer sårbara och medvetenhet om hur svåra psykiska sjukdomar påverkar förmågan att uppfatta och uppskatta humor var viktig även om ett allmänt bra bemötande ansågs vara grundläggande. Slutsats: Positiva former av humor som används på ett respektfullt och inkännande sätt kan vara är ett viktigt verktyg i omvårdnaden för att möjliggöra nya perspektiv på tillvaron, ge lättnad i ångest, minska negativa känslor och tankar samt höja livskvaliteten för både patienter och personal i en verksamhet med mycket allvar.

Commission on the Loose? Delegated Lawmaking and Comitology after Lisbon

The Treaty of Lisbon has altered the institutional mechanism of the European Union. The introduction of formal hierarchy of legal acts has important implications for the balance of power among the EU institutions. This paper argues that the Commission is likely to enjoy some discretion in delegated lawmaking while remaining in the shadow of the legislators’ activism. The Commission has also successfully positioned itself to diminish the influence of comitology committees on the adoption of implementing acts, though a new layer of complexity was added. The possible outcomes of this new institutional battle are analysed in the context of the new challenges to the Community method. Some important inferences of this institutional shift for the debate on the democratic deficit in the EU are also drawn up.

States' Responding Behavior in Conflict: Asymmetric Response and Strategic Conflict Avoidance

State responses to external threats and aggression are studied with focus on two different rationales: (1) to make credible deterrent threats to avoid being exploited, and (2) to minimize the risk of escalation to unwanted war. Given external aggression, the target state's responding behavior has three possibilities: concession (under-response), reciprocation, and escalation. This study focuses on the first two possibilities and investigates how the strategic nature of crisis interaction can explain the intentional choice of concession or avoidance of retaliation. I build a two-level bargaining model that accounts for the domestic bargaining situation between the leader and the challenger for each state. The model's equilibrium shows that the responding behavior is determined not only by inter-state level variables (e.g. balance of power between two states, or cost of war that each state is supposed to pay), but also the domestic variables of both states. Next, the strategic interaction is rationally explained by the model: as the responding state believes that the initiating state has strong domestic challenges and, hence, the aggression is believed to be initiated for domestic political purposes (a rally-around-the-flag effect), the response tends to decrease. The concession is also predicted if the target state leader has strong bargaining power against her domestic challengers \emph{and} she believes that the initiating leader suffers from weak domestic standing. To test the model's prediction, I conduct a lab experiment and case studies. The experimental result shows that under an incentivized bargaining situation, individual actors are observed to react to hostile action as the model predicts: if the opponent is believed to suffer from internally driven difficulties, the subject will not punish hostile behavior of the other player as severely as she would without such a belief. The experiment also provides supporting evidence for the choice of concession: when the player finds herself in a favorable situation while the other has disadvantages, the player is more likely to make concessions in the controlled dictator game. Two cases are examined to discuss how the model can explain the choice of either reciprocation or concession. From personal interviews and fieldwork in South Korea, I find that South Korea's reciprocating behavior during the 2010 Yeonpyeong Island incident is explained by a combination of `low domestic power of initiating leader (Kim Jong-il)' and `low domestic power of responding leader (Lee Myung-bak).' On the other hand, the case of EC-121 is understood as a non-response or concession outcome. Declassified documents show that Nixon and his key advisors interpreted the attack as a result of North Korea's domestic political instabilities (low domestic power of initiating leader) and that Nixon did not have difficulties at domestic politics during the first few months of his presidency (high domestic power of responding leader).

Marketing channel behaviour and performance

Thesis submitted to University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Business Administration.

Intervenções socioeducativas no contexto do tratamento : estudo de caso de crianças com cancro em contexto de acolhimento

Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Social e Intervenção Comunitária

Intervenções socioeducativas no contexto do tratamento : estudo de caso de crianças com cancro em contexto de acolhimento

Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Educação Social e Intervenção Comunitária

Action en santé mentale au travail et syndicalisme québécois : l’expérience de représentants syndicaux

Dans certains milieux syndicaux québécois, des initiatives porteuses destinées à prévenir les problèmes de santé mentale au travail ont vu le jour. Des représentants syndicaux pionniers ont mis en place des structures d’entraide opérantes, obtenu des jurisprudences importantes et développé des approches innovantes pour corriger ou bonifier l’organisation du travail, et ce depuis plus de trois décennies. Alors que la montée de l’idéologie néolibérale et les principes d’organisation du travail qu’elle sous-tend engendrent une intensification du travail qui fragilise la psyché des travailleurs et que le rapport de force des syndicats s’effrite, il apparaît porteur d’interroger l’expérience de ces représentants syndicaux pour mieux comprendre comment se structure l’action syndicale en santé mentale au travail. Cette thèse fait l’étude de réalisations syndicales québécoises en matière de santé mentale au travail visant à prévenir et à corriger les problèmes de détresse psychologique, d’épuisement professionnel, de harcèlement, de dépression, de violence, de suicides reliés au travail, etc. Pour ce faire, un cadre théorique mixte a été utilisé. D’une part, une perspective large a été adoptée pour comprendre les enjeux entourant les rapports humains au travail et l’action. Pour ce faire, quatre auteurs influents de la philosophie des Lumières et de la philosophie contemporaine ont été sélectionnés, soit Thomas Hobbes, Adam Smith, Karl Marx et Hannah Arendt. Dégager ces différentes perspectives du monde, de l’action et du lien social avait pour objectif de mettre en place une grille d’analyse susceptible de relier l’expérience de représentants syndicaux à ces visions du monde. Il est apparu essentiel de mieux saisir les bases idéologiques sur lesquelles ces derniers ont construit leur action pour comprendre comment elles ont influencé leur démarche singulière et collective. D’autre part, la théorie de l’expérience sociale a été retenue (Dubet, 2009; 1994) pour analyser plus finement le travail des représentant syndicaux. Celle-ci distingue trois logiques d’action complémentaires et en tension avec lesquelles doivent composer les acteurs sociaux : une logique d’intégration, une logique stratégique et logique appuyée sur la subjectivation. La coexistence de ces trois logiques signifie que l’expérience que les individus font du monde n’est pas une simple reproduction de déterminismes qui les précèdent. Les acteurs sont aussi sujets de leur expérience et capables de prendre une distance du social pour comprendre les significations de leur agir; ils s’inscrivent dans le monde dans une dialectique critique. Cette théorie apporte un éclairage permettant de dégager à la fois ce qui freine et ce qui facilite l’action individuelle et collective en matière de santé mentale au travail et de décrire comment des représentants syndicaux se mobilisent pour répondre aux nombreuses attentes des membres. Cette recherche qualitative s’est appuyée sur une méthodologie de récit de vie (Rhéaume 2008; Bertaux 2006). Vingt représentants syndicaux ont témoigné de la souffrance au travail (Dejours, 2008) vécue par leurs membres et ont présenté des actions déployées pour leur venir en aide. Les réalités décrites par les participants montrent comment certains éléments de l’organisation du travail sont associés à des expériences de domination (Martuccelli, 2004): les méfaits du productivisme et de l’hyperflexibilité, les accidents de travail, les maladies professionnelles et les situations d’horreur au travail, les rapports sociaux au travail devenus délétères et les utilisations abusives de l’appareil judiciaire. L’étude démontre aussi à quel point des initiatives portées par des représentants syndicaux contribuent à une résolution de problèmes dans une perspective d’interdépendance, de développement du pouvoir d’agir, de justice sociale et de lutte pour la dignité. Quatre catégories d’initiatives ont été retenues : l’entretien du lien social dans l’entraide au quotidien, la défense juridique et légale des membres, les clauses de convention collective et les actions sur l’organisation du travail. Enfin, la recherche dégage trois profils de représentants syndicaux : la militance qui tente de former un nous, la professionnalisation qui tente de faire reconnaitre son utilité et sa compétence, et l’entraide qui cherche à développer une action engageant le Je. Leur rencontre laisse entrevoir le développement d’une praxis syndicale qui vise à promouvoir et protéger la dignité du travail et des travailleurs.

Influencia del interés geopolítico de China en sus relaciones bilaterales con Camboya

La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar cómo las relaciones bilaterales entre China y Camboya son afectadas por el interés geopolítico chino, con el fin de demostrar que éste genera un fortalecimiento de sus relaciones puesto que además de suplir necesidades alimenticias, hídricas y en mano de obra barata, es el único país de la región del Sudeste Asiático que le permite a China tener acceso militar al Golfo de Tailandia y al Mar de China Meridional, donde se encuentra en desventaja con Estados Unidos. Así, se indica que la potencia asiática formula sus acuerdos bilaterales creando relaciones de dependencia por parte de países como Camboya para que este le entregue “obligatoriamente” lo que necesita. Esta investigación se llevará a cabo por medio de una monografía con un enfoque realista. Se utilizará el método de investigación cualitativo, que se servirá de fuentes primarias como los acuerdos bilaterales entre ambos Estados.