982 resultados para social security system


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Includes bibliography

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This research analyzes the origin of Welfare State, from the Report by William Beveridge. At the end of Second World War, the concern about citizenship rescue spread the idea of Social Welfare State. The British influence, also represented by the Beveridge Report, is of great importance in this process. Thus, analyzing the Beveridge Plan, which proposed a set of reforms within the social security system, along with its contributions to the emergence of British Welfare State, is crucial to a more complete historical parameter on the subject of the Protector State. The goal of this study is to clarify the influence of the Beveridge Report in the practical organization of the Welfare system in England

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This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

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Despite being one of the world’s wealthiest countries and most modern economies, in Switzerland gender equality remains an elusive challenge. Paid maternity leave, legal abortion and an increase in women’s educational attainment are some of the milestones achieved since 1995, when the country was one of 189 states to adopt the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action at the Fourth World Conference on Women. But while legal gender equality may be nearly achieved, much remains to be done to achieve gender equality in practice. Rigid gender stereotypes, wage discrimination, women’s heavy care burden, segregation in the workplace, violence against women, under-representation of women in political and economic decision making, and structural obstacles to reconciling family duties with employment still stand in the way of gender equality. In order to realize gender equality, government, employers, politicians and civil society all need to take concrete and coordinated actions. These range from changes in the educational sector, in the labour market and in the social security system to an active foreign policy that promotes women’s human rights.

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Since the late 19th century different social actors have played an important role in providing social security in Switzerland. Cooperatives, philanthropic organisations, social insurances, and the poor relief of the communes were all part of a "mixed economy of welfare". This article examines how the different actors in this "mixed economy" worked together, and asks what forms of help they supplied. It raises the question of whether a dichotomy between public and private forms of relief can be traced in the Swiss case. Did democratically legitimised processes of redistribution shape the social security system? Or was social security rather funded by private relief programs? The author argues that in the early 20th century, a complex public-private mix structured the Swiss welfare state and the poor often depended on both public and private funding. In this system, financially potent philanthropic organisations successfully contested the legal power of public actors.

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Objetivo: Explorar las percepciones de las mujeres inmigrantes trabajadoras del servicio doméstico sobre la puesta en vigor en España del Real Decreto 1620/2011, que regula la relación laboral del servicio del hogar familiar, y su efecto en sus condiciones de empleo. Métodos: Estudio exploratorio mediante análisis de contenido cualitativo. Se realizaron tres grupos de discusión con mujeres inmigrantes (colombianas, ecuatorianas y marroquíes). Resultados: A pesar de valorar positivamente los beneficios teóricos de la nueva normativa, las mujeres inmigrantes han identificado barreras legales y económicas para conseguir un contrato, ser dadas de alta en la seguridad social y que las personas empleadoras asuman su coste, en especial en el caso de las trabajadoras contratadas por horas. Estas dificultades influyen en la posibilidad de legalizar su situación. La confluencia con la crisis económica ha emergido como un problema que dificulta su cumplimiento. Conclusiones: Aunque el nuevo régimen ha favorecido la creación de puestos de trabajo con mayores derechos laborales en el sector, las mujeres inmigrantes perciben que su puesta en marcha en el actual contexto de crisis económica no ha contribuido a mejorar sus condiciones de empleo.

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Background: Migrant workers have been one of the groups most affected by the economic crisis. This study evaluates the influence of changes in employment conditions on the incidence of poor mental health of immigrant workers in Spain, after a period of 3 years, in context of economic crisis. Methods: Follow-up survey was conducted at two time points, 2008 and 2011, with a reference population of 318 workers from Colombia, Ecuador, Morocco and Romania residing in Spain. Individuals from this population who reported good mental health in the 2008 survey (n = 214) were interviewed again in 2011 to evaluate their mental health status and the effects of their different employment situations since 2008 by calculating crude and adjusted odds ratios (aORs) for sociodemographic and employment characteristics. Findings: There was an increased risk of poor mental health in workers who lost their jobs (aOR = 3.62, 95%CI: 1.64–7.96), whose number of working hours increased (aOR = 2.35, 95%CI: 1.02–5.44), whose monthly income decreased (aOR = 2.75, 95%CI: 1.08–7.00) or who remained within the low-income bracket. This was also the case for people whose legal status (permission for working and residing in Spain) was temporary or permanent compared with those with Spanish nationality (aOR = 3.32, 95%CI: 1.15–9.58) or illegal (aOR = 17.34, 95%CI: 1.96–153.23). In contrast, a decreased risk was observed among those who attained their registration under Spanish Social Security system (aOR = 0.10, 95%CI: 0.02–0.48). Conclusion: There was an increase in poor mental health among immigrant workers who experienced deterioration in their employment conditions, probably influenced by the economic crisis.

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This paper analyses the latest Spanish reforms regarding domestic work. The Spanish legislator, doubtlessly influenced by the ILO Domestic Work Convention nº 189 – which, however, was not later ratified in Spain- made a deep reform on domestic work in 2011. This legal reform implied a striking change that affected both working conditions and social security of employees in the family home. The aim of this reform has been to bring the regulation in domestic work closer to the general regulation for other workers, although maintaining certain specialties. Regarding working conditions, their setting as “particular employment relationship” has been held. However, the differences between this relationship and the common ones have been reduced. As for social security, domestic employees have been incorporated into the General Social Security System, but with important specialties, thus erasing the Special Domestic Employees System. The paper also examines the legal changes that have taken place in this field after the new Government arose.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Departamento de Serviço Social, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Política Social, 2016.

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Introducción. Los trabajadores de los talleres de reparación de automóviles conviven diariamente con la exposición a los solventes orgánicos, exposición que se convierte en un riesgo para su salud que generalmente en el corto plazo se presenta como déficits de concentración, memoria y tiempo de reacción y en el largo plazo produciendo graves repercusiones clínicas como efectos mutagénicos y carcinogénicos. Objetivo. Caracterizar las condiciones higiénicas y de seguridad de trabajadores ocupacionalmente expuestos a solventes orgánicos y determinar los niveles ambientales de benceno, tolueno y xileno (BTX) en talleres de lámina y pintura automotriz de la ciudad de Bogotá. Materiales y métodos. Se hizo un estudio de corte transversal en 60 trabajadores que laboran expuestos a solventes orgánicos en talleres de reparación automotriz en Bogotá. Se realizó una encuesta con variables sociodemográficas, laborales y se determinaron los niveles en aire de benceno, tolueno y xileno. Para los muestreos ambientales, las bombas se colocaron en una posición fija representativa del ambiente general, con el objeto de conocer la distribución de los solventes en el área de trabajo. Se realizó un análisis descriptivo por conteos de frecuencia, medidas de tendencia central y dispersión. Se utilizó prueba de bondad de ajuste para distribución normal (Kolmogorov-Smirnov o Shapiro Wilk), prueba t Student para comparación de medias, o en su defecto prueba U de Mann Whitney para comparación de medianas. Para identificar la relación entre las características sociodemográficas y ocupacionales con la exposición a BTX, se utilizaron pruebas de asociación Chi cuadrado o análisis de correlación según la naturaleza de las variables. El nivel de significancia para cada prueba fue 0.05. Resultados. La edad promedio de los trabajadores fue de 43 años y un tiempo total de exposición a solventes de 20 años. Respecto al uso de protección corporal, 45 (75%) de los trabajadores manifestaron que usaban uniforme, mientras que 14 (23,3%) usaban ropa de calle durante la jornada laboral. El 46,7% manifestaron usar protección respiratoria. La concentración de benceno en aire fue entre 0,1 y 0,45 mg/l (mediana de 0,31 mg/l; DE 0,13 mg/l); la de tolueno estuvo entre 8,25 y 27,22 mg/l (mediana de 14,5 mg/l; DE 6.99 mg/l) y la de xileno entre 19,34 y 150,15 mg/l (mediana de 70,12 mg/l; DE 40,82 mg/l). Conclusión. Los pintores de automóviles están expuestos a niveles elevados de solventes en los lugares de trabajo y no cuentan con condiciones de higiene y seguridad industrial adecuados. Un gran número de pintores son informales lo que les impide el acceso a los beneficios del Sistema de Seguridad Social Integral.

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Includes bibliography

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Este artigo analisa a pol??tica de seguridade social brasileira na perspectiva de sua formula????o legal na Carta Constitucional de 1988, com o objetivo de discutir tr??s enfoques relativos a esta pol??tica: os grupos de interesse implicados no projeto da seguridade social na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987/88; os princ??pios pol??tico-ideol??gicos que nortearam a defini????o deste modelo protetor; e os obst??culos surgidos na elabora????o e operacionaliza????o desta proposta. Passados nove anos da promulga????o da ???Constitui????o Democr??tica???, os princ??pios norteadores da Seguridade Social ainda n??o foram implementados, e os tr??s setores nela inseridos ??? sa??de, assist??ncia e previd??ncia social ??? deram prosseguimento ?? elabora????o de pol??ticas setorializadas e independentes. Este artigo discute, assim, as perspectivas da pol??tica protetora brasileira, utilizando como refer??ncia o debate hist??rico de formula????o desta pol??tica e apresentando os principais impasses no desenvolvimento da pol??tica protetora.

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A exist??ncia de um sistema de prote????o social aos idosos, com ampla cobertura, ?? extremamente importante para prevenir o aumento da pobreza e da desigualdade. Na aus??ncia de tal sistema, e frente a transforma????es demogr??ficas e da estrutura familiar presentes em grande parte dos pa??ses da Am??rica Latina, haver?? riscos crescentes de que tanto o Brasil, como outros pa??ses da regi??o, sofram com problemas de insufici??ncia de renda entre as pessoas com idade mais avan??ada. Dado esse contexto, este artigo avalia a situa????o atual e as perspectivas de prote????o dos idosos na Am??rica Latino Americano e Caribenho de Demografia (Celade/Cepal) e em revis??o de literatura sobre o tema. As an??lises indicaram que o aumento do n??vel de prote????o social na regi??o parece depender de formas de financiamento n??o baseadas exclusivamente em contribui????es monet??rias individuais, de modo que seja poss??vel incorporar aqueles grupos incapazes de manter contribui????es regulares para os regimes de Previd??ncia.

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The aim of this paper is to formulate an approximation of the US actuarial balance model and apply it to the Spanish public retirement pension system under various scenarios in order to determine a consistent indicator of the system's financial state comparable to those used by the most advanced social security systems. This will enable us to answer the question as to whether there is any justification for reforming the pension system in Spain. This type of actuarial balance uses projections to show future challenges to the financial side of the pension system deriving basically from ageing, the projected increase in longevity and fluctuations in economic activity. If one is compiled periodically it can provide various indicators to help depoliticize the management of the pay-as-you-go system by bringing the planning horizons of politicians and the system itself closer together.