La incuestionabilidad del riesgo

Con anterioridad a la década de 1980, la literatura especializada en análisis y gestión del riesgo estaba dominada por la llamada visión tecnocrática o dominante. Esta visión establecía que los desastres naturales eran sucesos físicos extremos, producidos por una naturaleza caprichosa, externos a lo social y que requerían soluciones tecnológicas y de gestión por parte de expertos. Este artículo se centra en desarrollar una nueva explicación para entender la persistencia hegemónica de la visión tecnocrática basada en el concepto de incuestionabilidad del riesgo. Esta propuesta conceptual hace referencia a la incapacidad y desidia de los expertos, científicos y tomadores de decisiones en general (claimmakers) de identificar y actuar sobre las causas profundas de la producción del riesgo ya que ello conllevaría a cuestionar los imperativos normativos, las necesidades de las elites y los estilos de vida del actual sistema socioeconómico globalizado.

PRÁCTICAS FESTIVAS Y FORMAS DE SOCIABILIDAD DE Y ENTRE VARONES HOMOSEXUALES (CIUDAD DE CÓRDOBA, 1976-1986)

El presente proyecto de investigación está interesado en explorar y describir determinadas formas de sociabilidad de varones de clase media auto definidos como homosexuales entre el inicio de la última dictadura (1976) y la formación de un circuito de discos y pubs gays en la ciudad de Córdoba durante el llamado “destape alfonsinista” (1986). La investigación contempla la descripción densa de dos series de prácticas de sociabilidad. Por una parte, se analizará la sociabilidad de varones homosexuales, especialmente de un conjunto de sujetos que desempeñaban determinadas profesiones como “decoradores”, “modistos”, “cocineros”, “anticuarios” y organizadores de fiestas, contratados por las elites locales y clases medias acomodadas para diseñar sus formas de diversión durante el período. ¿Cómo estos sujetos se relacionaban con quienes no forman parte del “ambiente” homosexual y cómo gestionaban el “secreto público” de su identidad erótico-sexual en sus relaciones con las elites cordobesas? El estudio de estas formas de sociabilidad homosexual escasamente trabajadas por la literatura internacional se relacionará con un análisis de las formas de sociabilidad entre varones homosexuales y la formación de un “ambiente”. Para ello se estudiarán espacios colectivos de socialización como baños públicos, plazas, calles, fiestas privadas, bares, boliches y saunas. Los códigos de comunicación verbal y gestual utilizados en esos espacios, y la caracterización de las redes de personas que componían el “ambiente” también serán objeto de análisis. Dado el carácter inicial de esta investigación, ya que no se cuenta con estudios previos para Córdoba, proponemos la siguiente hipótesis de tipo exploratorio en relación a las formas de sociabilidad de determinados varones homosexuales: Estos sujetos habrían asegurado su reproducción social tanto como la posesión de ciertos salvoconductos para el ejercicio de su identidad sociosexual produciendo fiestas de las elites locales. A partir de erigirse en árbitros del “buen gusto” dichos sujetos habrían asegurado ciertos privilegios, entre ellos “feminizar” sus gustos y producirse como “locas”. Dada las nuevas condiciones impuestas por la recuperación democrática, los salvoconductos se hicieron cada vez menos valiosos al mismo tiempo que se formaba una identidad “gay” que, aunque buscó distanciarse del modelo negativo de “la loca”, continuó reclamando su dominio sobre el “buen gusto”. De esta manera, el cultivo experto del “buen gusto” sería parte de las prácticas que organizaban las formas de sociabilidad de varones homosexuales con sujetos heterosexuales de las elites. En relación a las formas de sociabilidad entre homosexuales proponemos que durante la dictadura, “el ambiente” se habría organizado en torno a un circuito callejero y una territorialidad de eventos privados (fiestas negras). Las diferentes performances sociales desarrolladas en tales espacios formaron parte de prácticas que desafiaron el estado de sitio impuesto. Reprimidas por la dictadura, estas prácticas no podían formar parte de un consumo cultural mercantilizado. La recuperación democrática y los cambios en las políticas del Estado con relación a los derechos y los reclamos de las minorías articulados con la expansión de un mercado gay global, habrían producido un cambio en las formas de sociabilidad homosexual. El ejercicio de esta sociabilidad supuso cada vez más el consumo de ciertas mercancías culturales asociadas con “la noche”. Así, la formación de una identidad “gay”, como opuesta al modelo “loca/chongo” dominante hasta los años ´80, aparecería fuertemente relacionada con la formación y segmentarización de un mercado del entretenimiento nocturno. Para la recolección de datos se recurrirá a entrevistas focalizadas e historias de vida de sujetos que trabajaron dando forma a las prácticas de divertimento nocturno de las elites locales y participaron en las redes de personas que componían el “ambiente”.

Redrawing Identity Boundaries through Integration Policies: Strategies of Inclusion/Exclusion of Immigrants in Québec and South Tyrol. EDAP Paper 01/2013

Following the research agenda introduced by Will Kymlicka, this qualitative study offers an interpretation of how the sub-national elites of Québec and South Tyrol police the integration of immigrants. For these national minority groups, which are constantly undergoing a process of redefinition of their collective identities by differentiating themselves from the Others who do not belong to the in-group, immigrants have progressively become the most significant Others as they are not part of the original system of compromises. This article questions how sub-national elites are handling this relatively new kind of ethnocultural diversity brought about by large-scale permanent immigration on two levels: first, the political narrative of the ruling sub-national parties, their electoral appeals, manifestos and speeches; second, the policy arrangements for the integration of immigrants in education, language and social policy. The initial approach of the article is pessimistic, as it assumes that sub-national elites will marginalize immigrants to please core nationalist supporters. In fact, the hypotheses to be tested are whether the national minority groups of Québec and South Tyrol engage in a process of reconstruction of their ethnic identity bounded by opposition to real or imagined Others – the newcomers; and whether they adopt practical measures that force newcomers to be assimilated into the group or to be marginalized. The comparison between Québec and South Tyrol provides a basic understanding of the impact of immigration in two sub-national polities that are very different, but still adopt similar political narratives and policy strategies with regard to the integration of newcomers.

Patronazgo nobiliario e individuo. Los Macanaz y la “hora” del XVIII

Desde la fecunda obra de Caro Baroja, la renovación de las élites de gobierno localizada a comienzos del setecientos ha llamado la atención de una parte de la historiografía preocupada en proponer diversos enfoques con los que interpretar este proceso de enormes consecuencias sociales y políticas. El caso de los Macanaz presenta una serie de peculiaridades que lo hacen propicio para un análisis detallado de su proceso de promoción familiar en el que sobresale la trascendencia de ciertos factores escasamente subrayados hasta el momento. El importante papel desempeñado por la casa aristocrática de Villena y el escaso peso de lo local o regnícola en su proyección posterior, nos servirá para cuestionar la dimensión de los Macanaz como iniciadores de una hipotética “hora murciana”, destacando en su caso la importancia de otros elementos complementarios como el patrocinio nobiliario, el mérito, la formación y la capacidad e iniciativa individual, vías también de acceso al servicio del rey.

O imaginário das ilhas atlânticas no universo medieval islâmico-cristão

O pensamento cultural medieval aparece-nos como herdeiro da Antiguidade Clássica, da sua filosofia, ciência, arte e mitos. Todos estes conceitos traduzem-se com facilidade para as elites intelectuais cristãs e muçulmanas, que os conservam e integram em elementos da sua própria cultura. A ideia do mar, em especial o mar dito ‘aberto’ como o Oceano Atlântico, é marcada pelo maravilhoso. Em plena Idade Média o Oceano Atlântico surge como território de Caos, envolto em mistério. O Oceano Atlântico é local das mais variadas manifestações do fantástico. Desta forma, as ilhas atlânticas, contidas neste vasto oceano, são elas próprias impregnadas de um carácter maravilhoso. Tentaremos, ao longo desta dissertação de mestrado, abordar a questão das ilhas atlânticas e das suas características a nível de imaginário. Este exercício será feito, sempre que possível, fazendo o cruzamento de fontes de origem islâmica e de origem cristã. Desta maneira, surgirá uma imagem comum em relação ao imaginário do Oceano Atlântico e, em especial, das ilhas neste contidas. O objetivo principal deste trabalho é verdadeiramente demonstrar pontos de aproximação entre relatos e mapas, de origem cristã e islâmica, ligados a ilhas fantásticas e, ao mesmo tempo, reais. Veremos que as duas categorias, do real e do imaginário, sobrepõem-se diversas vezes, sendo que não se conseguem muitas vezes distinguir a nível das fontes. Desta forma, relatos de navegações atlânticas como a de São Brandão (de origem celto-cristã) ou a dos Aventureiros de Lisboa (originária no al-Andalus,) são reveladoras das atitudes e ideias na Idade Média em relação ao Atlântico e às suas ilhas.

EU Conditionality on Nationality-Sensitive Matters in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Promoting Democracy or Maintaining the Status Quo? EDAP 05/2013

This paper will analyse the impact of the EU conditionality in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and its efficacy in promoting democratic changes in this country. It will be argued that as BiH is a unique case, its constitutional constraints must be taken into account because every reform that affects the difficult balance between the three main ethno-religious groups of BiH is perceived as a nationality-sensitive issue and is therefore vulnerable to political pressure. With reference to two specific situations where EU has demanded the BiH political elites to adopt EU-compatible reforms, namely the police reform process and the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci ruling, it will be argued that the use of the conditionality tool has increased inter-ethnic polarization among the political parties, thus preventing Bosnia and Herzegovina from moving forward in the EU integration process.

The Impact of Spain’s Economic and Political Crisis on the European Elections. EPIN Commentaries No. 17, 2 April 2014

Despite the emergence of a critical debate against the EU-imposed austerity measures both at the level of the political elites and on the street, this EPIN Commentary by two Spanish political scientists based in Barcelona finds no sign that the upcoming European elections will have a more European focus than any of the previous ones. While there is no anti-European discourse among the Spanish mainstream political parties, they report that public trust in the European institutions is plummeting and Spanish turnout in European elections has been dropping in the last few years. In the authors’ view, the main reason for this is the low level of awareness of the functioning of the European Parliament but some responsibility also lies with the Spanish political parties and the way they deal with the electoral campaign to mobilise the discontented voters, who consider unemployment and the economic situation as the two most important issues that the country is facing at the moment.

The parliamentary elections in Ukraine: new hope? EPC Policy Brief, 21 October 2014

Ukraine’s parliamentary elections on 26 October 2014 seem set to be the most important and most challenging the country has ever held. For the first time in Ukraine’s history, the presidential election of Petro Poroshenko in May gave many Ukrainians new hope. His victory seemed to unite the country, being the first president to have won in most of the regions despite the ongoing conflict in the East. However, with many corrupt elites still in power, reforms have become hostage to vested interests and in-fighting which has raised fears of ‘business as usual’. This has made this election campaign set against a backdrop of serious challenges dominating the agenda for the foreseeable future. In this policy brief, Amanda Paul and Svitlana Kobzar explore the status of the reform agenda needed for a stable and democratic Ukraine as well as the challenges in the run up to the election including corruption, energy and EU relations.

The anatomy of Russian information warfare. The Crimean operation, a case study. OSW Point of View Number 42, May 2014

The Crimean operation has served as an occasion for Russia to demonstrate to the entire world the capabilities and the potential of information warfare. Its goal is to use difficult to detect methods to subordinate the elites and societies in other countries by making use of various kinds of secret and overt channels (secret services, diplomacy and the media), psychological impact, and ideological and political sabotage. Russian politicians and journalists have argued that information battles are necessary for “the Russian/Eurasian civilisation” to counteract “informational aggression from the Atlantic civilisation led by the USA”. This argument from the arsenal of applied geopolitics has been used for years. This text is an attempt to provide an interpretation of information warfare with the background of Russian geopolitical theory and practice.

Crimean Tatars after Russia's annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. OSW Commentary No. 141, 30.06.2014

After Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Crimean Tatars face the necessity of working out a modus vivendi to cope with the difficult situation which now confronts them. On the one hand, the desire to remain in their homeland, which they regained after exile in Soviet times, is an imperative encouraging them to accept the status quo, while on the other, the fear of Russia and the strong relations of Crimean Tatar elites with Kyiv would favour opposing the present state of affairs. Another fact pointing in favour of an agreement with Moscow is that Kyiv has not attempted to defend Crimea and has not been active in demanding its return to Ukraine, which has undermined Kyiv’s authority in the eyes of the Tatars. Therefore, the leaders of the Mejlis of Crimean Tatars (the national self-government) act carefully, trying to avoid actions which could be seen as provocative and thus liable to incite retribution. It could be expected that this course of action will continue, although it faces ever greater difficulties in the context of the Russian authorities’ adoption of a strongly anti-Tatar policy, which is likely to evoke more radical attitudes among the Crimean Tatars.

Federation without federalism. Relations between Moscow and the regions. OSW Study 49/2014

The regions of the Russian Federation are immensely diverse economically and geographically as well as when it comes to their national identity, civic awareness and political activity. We are in fact dealing with a ‘multi-speed Russia’: along with the post-industrial regions with their higher living standards and a need for pluralism in politics, there are poverty-stricken, inertial regions, dependent on subsidies from the centre. As a result of the policy of centralisation pursued by the Kremlin since 2000, the autonomy of the regions has been reduced fundamentally. This has affected the performance of the regional elites and made it difficult for the regions to use their natural advantages (such as resources or location) to their benefit. One of the effects of this policy has been the constantly decreasing number of the donor regions. The current model promotes the role of the region as a passive supplicant, for whom it is easier to seek support from the central government, offering loyalty in exchange, than to implement complex systemic reforms that would contribute to long-term development. Moscow’s control (political, economic and administrative) over the regions is currently so thorough that it contradicts the formally existing federal form of government in Russia.

Russia in Serbia – soft power and hard interests. OSW COMMENTARY No. 150, 2014-10-29

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Serbia on 16 October has demonstrated Moscow’s willingness to secure its interests in the Balkans and use Belgrade in its confrontation with the West. It seems, however, that Russia does not have much to offer to Serbia’s authorities, which are reluctant to make more concessions towards Russia. However, Moscow has already gained a strong position in Serbia, which is due to the country’s dependence on Russian natural resources and, in particular, strong support for Russian policy on the part of Serbian elites and society. The traditional pro-Russian attitudes have been strengthened as a result of a series of Russia-inspired, wide-ranging soft power initiatives which have proved so successful that a large part of society has begun to believe that Russia’s interests are consistent with Serbia’s. Russia’s increasingly active policy towards Serbia and the Serbian minorities in the neighbouring countries – Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Kosovo – has been part of a larger plan aimed at hampering the integration of the Balkan states with the Euro-Atlantic structures and maintaining an area of instability and frozen conflicts in the EU’s near neighbourhood. Russia’s policy is also becoming increasingly effective due to the EU states’ diminishing support for Balkan countries’ European integration.

The need for a New Pact. CHALLENGE EUROPE Issue 22 - Challenges and new beginnings: Priorities for the EU’s new leadership, September 2014.

During the last political cycle (2009-2014), the European Union (EU) went through the worst crisis of its history. In the months and years to come, the new EU leadership and Member States will have to take major decisions if Europeans want to sustainably overcome the crisis, prepare themselves for the manifold internal and external tests ahead, and provide the grounds for Europe to exploit more of its potential and meet the needs and expectations of citizens. The outcome of this venture is unclear considering the 'state of the Union' and the current mood in Brussels and national capitals. But one thing seems rather certain: to generate active support from citizens and elites, future developments at European and national level need to be driven by confidence and renewed ambition and not, as in the past years, by fear first – fear of a euro implosion; or of an involuntary exit from the common currency with unforeseeable consequences. In order to take strategic decisions about the Union's future, there is a need to identify and address the key challenge(s) and provide a coherent and holistic response on the grounds of an ambitious but at the same time pragmatic 'package deal', taking into account the diverging interests of Member States and their citizens. But what is the state of affairs, what is the key strategic challenge and how can the new EU leadership cope with it in the next political cycle (2014-2019)?

Foreign policy at the service of modernisation: old wine in a new wineskin. OSW Commentary No. 39, 2010-08-31

Russia’s contacts with the external world over the past year have been characterised by a gradual improvement in its relations with the West, as well as the use of non-confrontational rhetoric, the most far-reaching example of which was the address President Dmitri Medvedev gave to Russian ambassadors this July. In an attempt to harmonise foreign policy with the widely propagated programme for the modernisation of Russia1 President Medvedev presented a vision of the Russian Federation as a responsible global power which is open to co-operation. According to this vision, Russian foreign policy would help to attract foreign investments and technologies. The West was presented as a partner, not a rival. Both this rhetoric and the atmosphere of co-operation in relations with the USA and the EU contrast with the assertive and aggressive Russian policy which was symbolised by and culminated in the Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008. The changes observed in Russian foreign policy are quite limited, and are not constructing a new external strategy. Those changes are rather an attempt to find more efficient ways to implement old strategic goals. The new image of a responsible global power is inconsistent, and Russian policy is still assertive and geopolitically motivated. Although a new rhetoric is really in place, the Russian political elite’s perception of their country’s place and role in the contemporary international order remains unchanged. Moscow’s readiness to become engaged in genuine co-operation with the West has not increased significantly; it is still to a great extent declarative in nature.

Ukraine, Another point of view. OSW Point of View (Unspecified), February 2003

Ukraine is a difficult partner for the West, and recently, it has been perceived as an enfant terrible because of the Kolchuga affair. Western and Polish press describe Ukraine as an authoritarian regime plagued by an internal crisis or even threatened by destabilisation. This picture is certainly one-sided and oversimplified, and it fails to accurately present the reality of Ukraine. Apart from experiencing definitely adverse political developments, Ukraine has also been successful in some ways in terms of its internal and foreign policies and the economy. At the same time, certain processes take place among the Ukrainian elites, that might be difficult to capture in social surveys, but may become the starting point for the future modernisation and democratisation of the country. To realise that there are some favourable aspects to the changes occurring in Ukraine is not to recognise Ukraine as a country heading to democratisation and a market economy in the Western sense. Still, it is worthwhile to understand that the positive developments, even if isolated, do occur in Ukraine and that they could be strengthened by adequate policies of the Ukrainian authorities and the Western states.