London Gazette - October 6 & November 27, 1812

Two "extraordinary" issues of the London Gazette containing letters written by Isaac Brock, R.H. [Roger Hale] Sheaffe,George Prevost and Edward Baynes, dated from August-October 1812. The first issue is numbered 16653, October 6, 1812, pp. 2011-2014, and the second issue is numbered 16672, November 27, 1812, pp. 2363-2365. The gazettes include Brock's account of the British victory at Detroit in August, 1812, the terms of the Americans' surrender to the British under General Hull at Detroit, and Brock's proclamation to the residents of Detroit after the defeat. Also included is an account of the battle at Queenston Heights in October, 1812, in which Isaac Brock was killed, written by R.H. Sheaffe (Major General) and Edward Baynes (Adjutant-General)

Ann Eliza Hepburne Rooth fonds, 1837-1897

Ann Eliza Hepburne was born in Chippawa, Ontario, in 1821, to William Hepburne and Susan Shannon. In 1842, she married William Anthony Rooth in St. James Cathedral in Toronto. They continued to live in different parts of the Niagara region, including Drummondville, Welland and Port Colborne. William was the editor and proprietor of the Drummondville Reporter, as well as an accountant and insurance agent, and later worked for the Customs Service in Port Colborne. He died in 1878, and Eliza in 1899. Both are buried in Drummond Hill Cemetery in Niagara Falls, Ontario.

Friendship Album

The album includes an illustration of a dog howling, by one of Eliza's friends. There is also a painting of roses. There is a poem signed Denison, that reads:" In truth it is not every book That's suited to the mind; In some forever you may look and no amusement find. But seldom does an album fail To please both grave and gay; It teams with many a merry tale and many a mournful day. Then reader know, whoever thou be Wise, witty, gay or sad; It's like the world in some degree Made up of good and bad". Another poem of eight verses is signed A. McNab. A poem and illustration are included by George Coventry. The illustration shows a man (presumed to be Coventry) looking at a book while others fish and work. Another poem initialed W.A.R. is thought to be by William Anthony Rooth, it is called "To Caroline". Also included in the album is a note from a Major who stayed at Eliza's home Christmas Day 1837. The note thanks Eliza for caring for him while he was ill at her home. A poem by Eliza's brother-in-law, Oliver T. Macklem is also included in the album. An illustration of two birds by Benjamin, Eliza's son, he was ten years old at the time. There is a poem written by L. D. Raymond with an attached newspaper clipping from Welland. The clipping is from L. D. Raymond's 79th birthday and is also a poem, "To the Old Barrister". There is a page of soldier autographs from 1866, those who fought in the Battle of Ridgeway during the Fenian Raid. (http://www.wikitree.com/wiki/Space:Ann_Eliza_Hepburne_Rooth%27s_1837_Album)

Arthur A. Schmon fonds

Arthur Albert Schmon was born in 1895 in Newark, New Jersey. During his studies at Barringer High School in Newark, he met Eleanore Celeste Reynolds who was to become his wife in August of 1919. Mr. Schmon studied English literature at Princeton and graduated with honours in 1917. That same year, Mr. Schmon joined the United States Army where he served under Colonel McCormick as an adjutant in field artillery in World War I. In 1919, he was discharged as a captain. Colonel McCormick (editor and publisher of the Chicago Tribune) offered Schmon a job in his Shelter Bay pulpwood operations. Mr. Schmon accepted the challenge of working at this lonely outpost on the lower St. Lawrence River. Schmon was promoted to Woodlands Manager in 1923. In 1930, he became the General Manager. This was expected to be a seasonal operation but the construction of the mill led to the building of a town (Baie Comeau) and its power development. All of this was accomplished under Schmon’s leadership. In 1933, he was elected the President and General Manager of the Ontario Paper Company. He later became the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer. Arthur Schmon made his home in St. Catharines where he played an active role in the community. Schmon was a member of the Founders’ Committee at Brock University and he was a primary force behind the establishment of a University in the Niagara Region. The Brock University Tower is named after him. He also served as Chairman of the St. Catharines Hospital Board of Governors for over 15 years, and was responsible for guiding the hospital through a 3 million dollar expansion program. He was a Governor of Ridley College and an Honorary Governor of McMaster University in Hamilton. Mr. Schmon died of lung cancer on March 18, 1964. He had been named as the St. Catharines’ citizen of the year just one week earlier. Mr. Schmon had 2 sons Robert McCormick Schmon, who was chairman of the Ontario Paper Co. Ltd., St. Catharines, Canada, and the Q.N.S. Paper Co., Baie-Comeau, Canada. He was also director of a Chicago Tribune Co. He died at the age of 61. Another son, Richard R. Schmon, was a second lieutenant in the 313th Field Artillery Battalion, 80th Infantry Division in World War II. He was listed as missing in action on November 5, 1944.

Letter to David Therburn [Thorburn] from W. Woodruff

Letter outlining the firsthand account of the Battle of Queenston Heights describing the day that General Brock was killed [a copy of this letter (taken from Mr. Thorburn’s files) has been published in the book The Story of Laura Secord and Canadian Reminiscences by Emma A. Currie and it is also printed in History of the Campaign upon the Niagara Frontier in the year 1812 by Lieutenant Colonel E. Cruikshank] (7 handwritten pages) written by W. Woodruff and addressed to David Therburn [Thorburn] of Queenston. There are 3 handwritten copies of this account. A transcript of this letter has been included in the file, July 29, 1840.

Fair Copyright for Canada: Lessons for Online Social Movements from the First Canadian Facebook Uprising

Despite their growing importance, the political effectiveness of social media remains understudied. Drawing on and updating resource mobilization theory and political process theory, this article considers how social media make “political engagement more probable,” and the determinants of success for online social movements. It does so by examining the mainstreaming of the Canadian “user rights” copyright movement, focusing on the Fair Copyright for Canada Facebook page, created in December 2007. This decentralized, grassroots, social media-focused action – the first successful campaign of its kind in Canada and one of the first in the world – changed the terms of the Canadian copyright debate and legitimized Canadian user rights. As this case demonstrates, social media have changed the type and amount of resources needed to create and sustain social movements, creating openings for new groups and interests. Their success, however, remains dependent on the political context within which they operate.

Some Incidents and Circumstances

- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights

La preuve et la conservation de l'écrit dans la société de l'information

"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit (L.L.M.)"

Portée et limites de l'encadrement juridique de la xénotransplantation : étude de droit comparé

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maître en droit (LL.M.)"

Les anciens captifs de Deerfield au Canada : parcours de vie et intégration

Le 29 février 1704, une force de 250 alliés franco-amérindiens attaque le petit village frontalier de Deerfield au Massachusetts et enlève 112 habitants. De ce nombre, 89 parviennent vivants en Nouvelle-France. À la fin de la guerre de Succession d’Espagne, 25 d’entre eux finissent par s’installer parmi les Français ou les Amérindiens. Pendant longtemps, ils auront le statut de captifs, d’Anglais ou simplement, d’étrangers. Ce travail vise à reconstituer le parcours de vie et d’intégration des anciens captifs de Deerfield dans la colonie française. Nous identifierons pour commencer les participants de l’attaque de Deerfield. Passant ensuite aux captifs, nous étudierons le processus d’intégration à la colonie et d’assimilation par la religion. Nous aborderons les modalités de l’adoption des captifs par les Français et les Amérindiens. Nous verrons quelle a été l’influence du mariage quant à l’insertion des captifs dans les réseaux sociaux. Finalement, nous analyserons le statut socioprofessionnel et la reproduction sociale de la descendance immédiate de certains de ces captifs.

The Ethics Of Reconciling : Learning From Canada’s Truth And Reconciliation Commission

In 2008, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) was initiated to address the historical and contemporary injustices and impacts of Indian Residential Schools. Of the many goals of the TRC, I focus on reconciliation and how the TRC aims to promote this through public education and engagement. To explore this, I consider two questions: 1) who does the TRC include in the process of reconciliation? And 2) how might I, as someone who is not Indigenous (specifically, as someone who is “white”), be engaged by the TRC? Ethical queries arise which speak to broader concerns about the TRC’s capability to fulfill its public education goals. I raise several concerns about whether the TRC’s plan to convoke the col- lective will result in over-simplifying the process by relying on blunt, poorly defined identity categories that erase the heterogeneity of those residing in Canada, as well as the complexity of the conflict among us. I attempt to situate myself in-between proclamations of “success” or “failure” of the TRC, to better understand what can be learned from contested truths and experiences of uncertainty.

Plasticity of neuroanatomical relationships between cholinergic and dopaminergic axon varicosities and pyramidal cells in the rat medial prefrontal cortex

Les systèmes cholinergique et dopaminergique jouent un rôle prépondérant dans les fonctions cognitives. Ce rôle est exercé principalement grâce à leur action modulatrice de l’activité des neurones pyramidaux du cortex préfrontal. L’interaction pharmacologique entre ces systèmes est bien documentée mais les études de leurs interactions neuroanatomiques sont rares, étant donné qu’ils sont impliqués dans une transmission diffuse plutôt que synaptique. Ce travail de thèse visait à développer une expertise pour analyser ce type de transmission diffuse en microscopie confocale. Nous avons étudié les relations de microproximité entre ces différents systèmes dans le cortex préfrontal médian (mPFC) de rats et souris. En particulier, la densité des varicosités axonales en passant a été quantifiée dans les segments des fibres cholinergiques et dopaminergiques à une distance mutuelle de moins de 3 µm ou à moins de 3 µm des somas de cellules pyramidales. Cette microproximité était considérée comme une zone d’interaction probable entre les éléments neuronaux. La quantification était effectuée après triple-marquage par immunofluorescence et acquisition des images de 1 µm par microscopie confocale. Afin d’étudier la plasticité de ces relations de microproximité, cette analyse a été effectuée dans des conditions témoins, après une activation du mPFC et dans un modèle de schizophrénie par déplétion des neurones cholinergiques du noyau accumbens. Les résultats démontrent que 1. Les fibres cholinergiques interagissent avec des fibres dopaminergiques et ce sur les mêmes neurones pyramidaux de la couche V du mPFC. Ce résultat suggère différents apports des systèmes cholinergique et dopaminergique dans l’intégration effectuée par une même cellule pyramidale. 2. La densité des varicosités en passant cholinergiques et dopaminergiques sur des segments de fibre en microproximité réciproque est plus élevée comparé aux segments plus distants les uns des autres. Ce résultat suggère un enrichissement du nombre de varicosités axonales dans les zones d’interaction. 3. La densité des varicosités en passant sur des segments de fibre cholinergique en microproximité de cellules pyramidales, immunoúactives pour c-Fos après une stimulation visuelle et une stimulation électrique des noyaux cholinergiques projetant au mPFC est plus élevée que la densité des varicosités de segments en microproximité de cellules pyramidales non-activées. Ce résultat suggère un enrichissement des varicosités axonales dépendant de l’activité neuronale locale au niveau de la zone d'interaction avec d'autres éléments neuronaux. 4. La densité des varicosités en passant des fibres dopaminergiques a été significativement diminuée dans le mPFC de rats ayant subi une déplétion cholinergique dans le noyau accumbens, comparée aux témoins. Ces résultats supportent des interrelations entre la plasticité structurelle des varicosités dopaminergiques et le fonctionnement cortical. L’ensemble des donneès démontre une plasticité de la densité locale des varicosités axonales en fonction de l’activité neuronale locale. Cet enrichissement activité-dépendant contribue vraisemblablement au maintien d’une interaction neurochimique entre deux éléments neuronaux.

De quelques livres brûlés : la représentation d'autodafés de livres au Siècle des Lumières

Ce mémoire étudie les autodafés de livres représentés dans trois textes français de la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle : l’article « Bibliomanie » (1752) de l’Encyclopédie, écrit par Jean le Rond D’Alembert, le roman l’An deux mille quatre cent quarante. Rêve s’il en fut jamais (1770) de Louis Sébastien Mercier et la comédie le Bureau d’esprit (1776-1777) de Jean-Jacques Rutlidge. Il révèle, chez ces auteurs, une critique du livre qui paradoxalement s’accompagne de sa défense. Le premier chapitre décrit succinctement la croissance de l’imprimé en France, à l’époque, l’évolution des goûts en matière de lecture, et un imaginaire du livre dans lequel entrent une impression d’envahissement et une grande admiration pour l’écrit. Les trois chapitres subséquents suivent l’ordre chronologique de parution des textes retenus et analysent les scènes de livres brûlés qu’ils contiennent. D’Alembert et Mercier, non sans réserves, aimeraient jeter au feu la majorité des livres qui les entourent. Rutlidge constitue un cas particulier : l’autodafé vise un ouvrage précis, soit une traduction française de Shakespeare. Le mémoire, en conclusion, évoque quatre textes plus récents où sont rapportés des autodafés de livres : le poème « À qui la faute ? » de Victor Hugo, le roman Fahrenheit 451 de Ray Bradbury, la pièce les Combustibles d’Amélie Nothomb et le roman les Corpuscules de Krause de Sandra Gordon. Reprenant des idées présentes chez D’Alembert, Mercier et Rutlidge, ces œuvres illustrent leur richesse.

Les cours de danse africaine à Montréal, émergence d’une production socioculturelle et esthétique

Ce mémoire traite de l’enseignement de la danse africaine en France et au Canada. Cette recherche a débuté en 2007, lorsque l’auteur a participé à un échange étudiant. À la fin de cette expérience, l’auteur en était arrivé à la conclusion que la danse africaine au Québec était abordée comme un bien de consommation et/ou une production socioculturelle relevant de l’imaginaire. La présente analyse explore les avantages et les limites de l’approche méthodologique adoptée par l’anthropologue (qui est, dans ce cas-ci, une ancienne danseuse classique), et les conditions de la rencontre entre les Africains et les occidentaux par la danse. Tandis qu’il reste à démontrer que les critiques postmodernes de l’art de masse s’appliquent dans ce cas-ci, l’analyse montre ici clairement que l’on trouve dans les cours de danse africaine au Québec une forme de conscience professionnelle. Les critiques de la danse et de d’autres formes de démocratisations artistiques tendent à se confondre dans la peur du discours populaire. L’objectif principal de cette recherche est par conséquent d’établir les limites du fétichisme par rapport à la danse africaine et d’explorer en détail les implications de la « hantise du Troisième Homme » communiquée par la recherche ethnographique et l’analyse anthropologique

Industries et industriels français du textile face au défi international 1871-1914

Fortement liées à l’international, les industries françaises du textile ont connu une évolution erratique entre 1871 et 1914. L’adoption de tarifs hautement protectionnistes en 1892 favorise les industriels du coton au détriment de ceux travaillant la laine et la soie. Ces derniers exportent leurs marchandises luxueuses sur des marchés ouverts à la concurrence. Ils profitent peu des marchés coloniaux, moins intéressés par leurs produits. Des politiques hardies d’importation directe de la matière première permettent, notamment à Roubaix, de pallier à certains désavantages. Si plusieurs industriels incitent le gouvernement à réformer ses services commerciaux à l’étranger et à y adjoindre des spécialistes, ils retiennent peu les recommandations des experts concernant l’adoption des moyens propres à favoriser les exportations. Plusieurs carences du commerce français ont été soulignées précocement mais il a été difficile de rapidement appliquer des solutions. Dans un contexte marqué par une concurrence accrue sur les marchés extérieurs, la France s’en tire mieux qu’on a pu le penser. La flexibilité de l’appareil productif français permet d’obtenir de nombreuses commandes dans les créneaux du luxe et du demi-luxe. Son niveau d’intégration, moins élevé que dans d’autres pays, se révèle ainsi parfois être un avantage. Toutefois, l’industrie textile est handicapée par la grande difficulté des patrons à s’associer de manière stable à l’extérieur du clan familial. L’entente se réalise cependant plus aisément et avantageusement pour ceux qui ont une production spécialisée, rare ou brevetée. Les performances et l’organisation des entreprises textiles françaises à l’étranger montrent que le marché national stimulait peu les producteurs à adopter les meilleures conditions de production possibles. Ces sociétés et celles obtenant des succès à l’exportation sont souvent les plus dynamiques et les plus rentables.