900 resultados para Kalevala - marxist criticism


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Kansallista Edistyspuoluetta ja sen toimijoita maailmansotien välisen Suomen sisäpolitiikassa tarkasteleva väitöstutkimus paneutuu puolueen kansallista eheytymistä ajaneen poliittisen linjan taustoihin, muodostumiseen ja toteutumiseen maailmansotien välisenä aikana vuosina 1919-1939. Vahvasti aineistopohjainen ja lähdekriittinen poliittisen historian tutkimus keskittyy parlamentaarisiin toimijoihin, poliittiseen kenttään ja näiden tuottamiin aineistoihin, kuten edistyspuolueen ja sen toimijoiden arkistoihin, lehdistöön ja valtiopäiväpöytäkirjoihin. Tutkimus selvittää, millainen oli edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen linja, mihin sillä pyrittiin, miten sitä toteutettiin ja miten se toteutui. Kansainvälisen vertailun kautta tutkimuksessa luodaan myös kuva suomalaisesta liberalismista ja liberalistista. Joulukuussa 1918 perustettu Kansallinen Edistyspuolue oli liberaali puolue, jonka politiikassa korostui erityisesti liberalismin sosiaalinen tulkinta. Puolueen sisäpoliittiseksi linjaksi vastaitsenäistyneessä ja sisällissodan runtelemassa valtiossa muodostui kansallisen eheytymisen edistäminen. Ajatuksen taustalla olivat K. J. Ståhlbergin tulevaisuuden lähtökohtia hahmotelleet artikkelit, jotka julkaistiin Helsingin Sanomissa huhtikuussa 1918 sisällissodan vielä riehuessa. Ståhlbergin mukaan kansalliseen eheytymiseen ei tullut pyrkiä sodan vuoksi vaan siitä huolimatta. Nuorsuomalaiselta puolueelta perityt liberaalit periaatteet täydentyivätkin edistyspuoluelaisessa ajattelussa sisällissodan ja tasavallan puolesta käydyn valtiomuototaistelun avainkokemuksilla. Itsenäisen Suomen ensimmäisiä vuosia hallinneissa keskustahallituksissa kansallista eheytymistä edistettiin sosiaalipoliittisin uudistuksin mm. oppivelvollisuus- ja asutuslakien muodossa. Myös sisällissodan vankien armahdukset olivat osa tätä ohjelmaa. Tutkimus osoittaa, että edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen politiikan keskeisenä tavoitteena oli poliittisen sovittelun kautta integroida vasemmisto osaksi parlamentaaris-demokraattista järjestelmää. Eheytyspolitiikan todellinen käyttöarvo ja edistyspuolueen poliittiset toimintamahdollisuudet alkoivat kuitenkin heiketä vuoden 1922 eduskuntavaalien jälkeen.Tutkimuksesta käy ilmi, että toteutettu eheytyspolitiikka ja sen osittainen epäonnistuminen näkyivät sekä kommunistien jatkuvana kannatuksena että sisäpoliittisen ilmapiirin oikeistolaistumisena. Tämä kehitys nosti myös edistyspuolueessa esille voimat, jotka suosivat porvariyhteistyötä ohi keskustavasemmistolaisen eheytyspoliittisen linjan. Alkuvuosien jälkeen valtiomuototaistelun koossapitävä voima heikkeni edistyspuolueen sisällä ja 1920-luvun puolivälissä käydyt linjakiistat osoittivat, että osalle puolueen jäsenistä vuoden 1918 puoluevalinnassa keskeisemmässä roolissa oli ollut tasavaltalaisuus kuin vasemmiston integrointi ja kansallinen eheytyminen. Edistyspuolueen johto ei kuitenkaan ollut valmis luopumaan eheytyspoliittisesta linjasta ja sen ympärille luodusta puolueidentiteetistä, joten porvariyhteistyötä kannattanut oikeisto-oppositio päätyi suurelta osin eroamaan puolueesta vuonna 1927. Tutkimus osoittaa, että parlamentarismin rapautuminen ja pienelle yleispuolueelle elintärkeiden yhteistyömahdollisuuksien heikkeneminen luokkapuolueiden puristuksessa johtivat edistyspuolueen kannatuksen alamäkeen sotien välisenä aikana. Se kutistui 26 kansanedustajan keskisuuresta puolueesta vain kuuden edustajan pienpuolueeksi. Puolueidentiteetin vahvuus ja keskeisten toimijoiden puolueen kokoa suurempi poliittinen painoarvo pitivät sen lakkauttamispohdinnoista huolimatta kuitenkin koossa ja kiinni politiikan ytimessä. Oikeistoradikalismin vuodet 1920–1930-lukujen taitteessa olivat edistyspuolueellesekä uhka että mahdollisuus. Tutkimuksessa käy ilmi, että vaikka kommunisminvastaisen kansanliikkeen vaatimukset olivat edistyspuoluelaisten mielestä oikeutettuja, oli kansanliikkeen niiden ajamiseksi omaksumia laittomia ja ulkoparlamentaarisia keinoja vaikea hyväksyä. Eheytyspolitiikan kannalta katsottuna melkotoivottamalta näyttänyt tilanne kääntyi kuitenkin lopulta voitoksi: äärivasemmisto eliminoitiin, äärioikeisto ajautui paitsioon ja tie maltillisen vasemmiston ja keskustan yhteistyölle aukesi jälleen. Tämä johti lopulta vuonna 1937 punamultahallitukseen ja kansanvallan kolmiliittoon Kansallisen Edistyspuolueen, SDP:n ja Maalaisliiton kesken. Kokemus siitä, että itsenäisyys oli alati uhattuna, toi suomalaiseen liberalismiin varsin nationalistisia piirteitä, joita eurooppalaisten veljespuolueiden ohjelmista ei löydy. Liberalismiin usein liitetty mielleyhtymä sen kosmopoliittisesta, kansallisvaltioita ylittävästä luonteesta jäi Suomessa sotien välisenä aikana nationalismin ja itäisen naapurin luoman uhan varjoon. Suomen sisäpoliittinen tilanne ja geopoliittinen asema loivat vaatimuksen vahvasta kansallisesta yhtenäisyydestä. Suomalainen liberalismi määrittyikin eurooppalaisia vastineitaan voimakkaammin nuorta valtiota hallinneen kansallisuusajattelun, itsesäilytysvaiston ja kansallisen eheyden vaatimusten kautta. Tutkimuksessa todetaan, että edistyspuolueen eheytyspoliittisen linjan muotoutumista ja toteutumista vuosien 1919‒1939 aikana voi pitää idealismin voittona realismista. Lukuun ottamatta reformipolitiikan vuosia edistyspuolueen pitäytyminen valitulla linjalla näyttäytyi poliittisten toimintamahdollisuuksien kannalta katsottuna ajoittain jopa epärealistiselta. Koko sotien välistä aikaa tarkastellessa voikin todeta, että se, minkä edistyspuolue poliittisten päämäärien saavuttamisen valossa voitti, sen se menetti kannatusluvuissa.

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Answers to a marxist critic of the rhetorical and pragmatic perspectives in economics. Based on recent discussions regarding the rhetorical perspective in economics, this paper presents an interpretation of the philosophical approach of Habermas which attempts to rescue the so called 'modern spirit', forgotten in the annals of the 19th century, similar to that presented by Marshall Berman in 1982. Following the reconstructive approach of Habermas's project of modernity, we attempt to show how a 'rhetorical approach' could be applied in the field of economics, and yet still be clearly modern by taking into account intersubjectivities, given the expanded sphere of human communication (as defended in the theory of communicative action of Habermas). In this sense, we will seek to demonstrate the philosophical limits of the anti-rhetorical critiques of, for example, Paulani (1996, 2003, 2005, 2006), which seem to underestimate the linguistic and intersubjective aspect of Habermas's philosophical project that can also be found in McCloskey’s methodological approach.

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Marshall and the critics to the classical political economy. This paper analyzes the period of transition between the millian orthodoxy and the marshallian orthodoxy with special emphasis on the influence of the economic debates of the 1870's and 1880's in the genesis of Marshall's conceptions. It is argued that in these decades Political Economy was questioned in three different fronts: by the theoretical critics, by the adepts of the historical method, and by the humanists. It is also argued that Marshall answered these criticisms, sometimes by accepting and incorporating them, sometimes by rejecting them, and in doing so he was able to construct a new disciplinary consensus - that gave the foundations to the practice of the next generation of economists.

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The historical phases of the debate on the transformation of values into production prices. Even though the transformation problem in general does not have a widen accepted solution, it is possible to recognize scientific progress when the historical phases of the debate are put side by side in order to complement each other. Therefore, the debate originated from the challenge of the conciliation of the law of value with an equal average rate of profit, though sometimes said to be unfruitful by economists, shows evolution in the long run because it forces non-marxist economic schools to confront concretely the quality side of value in theory and to develop abstract models of planned economy in practice.

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This paper starts from the conceptualism of New Developmentalism which was proposed by its formulators and their criticism of the "old" developmentalism in order to compare both. It is elaborate in both theoretical and historical levels. In the former, it explores the theoretical streams that contributed to the formulation of economic policies that designated the Latin American developmentalism. In the latter, it focuses on the economic policy of the Brazilian import-substitution industrialization and advocates the impropriety of associating it to the irresponsibility in the management of the foreign exchange, fiscal and monetary policies, as the proposers of New Developmentalism assert. Finally, in a third stage, it resumes the propositions of the New Developmentalism and debates the pertinence of some of its policy propositions based upon theoretical considerations and the Brazilian experience which were mentioned in the previous stages.

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Labor values, reproduction prices and land rent. The paper analyses the determination of labor values and reproduction prices, including economic systems with joint production and systems with intensive land rent. The discussion is based on very simple numeric examples, avoiding that the mathematical complications hinder the comprehension of basic questions of Marxist economic theory.

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This paper aims to criticize the recent cliometrics literature on the so-called "golden age" of capitalism. The works of Nicholas Crafts, Gianni Toniolo, and Barry Eichengreen are reconstructed in order to reveal the main characteristics of this research program. Its narrow quantitative focus, its reliance on theoretical propositions borrowed from neoclassical economics, and its auspicious interpretation of the postwar reconstruction are the main focus of the criticism presented. Finally, the cliometricians' attempt to historicize the "golden age" and de-historicize the following decades is related to the ideological understanding of the recent decades as a period of "great moderation."

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Many economists show certain nonconformity relative to the excessive mathematical formalization of economics. This stems from dissatisfaction with the old debate about the lack of correspondence between mainstream theoretical models and reality. Although we do not propose to settle this debate here, this article seeks to associate the mismatch of mathematized models with the reality of the adoption of the hypothetical-deductive method as reproduced by general equilibrium. We begin by defining the main benefits of the mathematization of economics. Secondly, we address traditional criticism leveled against it. We then focus on more recent criticism from Gillies (2005) and Bresser-Pereira (2008). Finally, we attempt to associate the reproduction of the hypothetical-deductive method with a metatheoretical process triggered by Debreu's general equilibrium theory. In this respect, we appropriate the ideas of Weintraub (2002), Punzo (1991), and mainly Woo (1986) to support our hypothesis.

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ABSTRACT:The section “Lordship and Bondage” in Hegel’s Phenomenology of Spirit offers us, through the criticism of slavery, some indications regarding Hegel’s conception of human nature. In this paper some consequences of this conception for Hegel’s political philosophy are identified and presented. The analysis shows problems may emerge when we analyze some fundamental Hegelian concepts – “recognition” and shows that some “men” – if we take into consideration the way these concepts were defined in the master-slave dialectic. In light of these problems it is pointed out that Hegel’s political philosophy, and also his position regarding slavery, become less cogent and more susceptible to criticism. The last part of the text analyzes some consequences of problems related to the possibility of defining the concepts “recognition” and “men” in terms of Hegel’s model of state.

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The purpose of this thesis is to explore Finnish maritime personnel’s conceptions of safety management and its relationship with the concept of safety culture. In addition, the aim is to evaluate the impact of the ISM Code on the prevailing safety culture in the Finnish shipping business. A total of 94 interviewees and seven Finnish shipping companies were involved in this study. Thematic interviews were applied as the main research method for the study. The results were analysed qualitatively. The results indicate that maritime safety culture can simultaneously demonstrate features of integration, differentiation and ambiguity. Basically, maritime personnel have a positive attitude towards safety management systems since they consider safety management beneficial and essential in general. However, the study also found considerable criticism among the interviewees. The interviewed maritime personnel did not criticise the ISM Code as such, yet they criticised the way the ISM Code has been applied in practise. In order to understand the multiple perspectives of safety culture more comprehensively, multiple theoretical perspectives and methodological approaches are needed. This study indicates that safety culture and the impacts of the ISM Code should not be unambiguously studied solely quantitative methods or qualitative methods. By examining safety culture from several methodological and theoretical perspectives, one may gain a more versatile and holistic overview of safety culture.

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This study applies a Marxist theoretical paradigm to examine the working conditions of greenhouse workers in the Niagara Region, and the range of factors that bear upon the formation of their class-consciousness. The Niagara greenhouse industry represents one of the most developed horticultural regions in Canada and plays a prominent role in the local economy. The industry generates substantial revenues and employs a significant number of people, yet the greenhouse workers are paid one of the lowest rates in the region. Being classified as agricultural workers, the greenhouse employees are exempted from many provisions of federal and provincial labour regulations. Under the current provincial statutes, agricultural workers in Ontario are denied the right to organize and bargain collectively. Except for a few technical and managerial positions, the greenhouse industry employs mostly low-skilled workers who are subjected to poor working conditions that stem from the employer's attempts to adapt to larger structural imperatives of the capitalist economy. While subjected to these poor working conditions, the greenhouse workers are also affected by objectively alienated social relations and by ruling class ideological domination and hegemony. These two sets of factors arise from the inherent conflict of interests between wage-labour and capital but also militate against the development of class-consciousness. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 12 greenhouse workers to examine the role played by their material circumstances in the formulation of their social and political views as well as the extent to which they are aware of their class location and class interests. The hegemonic notions of 'common sense' acted as impediments to formation of classconsciousness. The greenhouse workers have virtually no opportunities to access alternative perspectives that would address the issues associated with exploitation in production and offer solutions leading to 'social justice'. Fonnidable challenges confront any organized political body seeking to improve the conditions of the working people.

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Conflicts over human rights in relations between East Asia and the West have increased since the end of the Cold War. Western governments express concern about human rights standards in East Asian countries. In the East, these expressions have been perceived as interference in internal affairs. Due to dramatic economic development, East Asian nations recently have gained in pride and self-confidence as global actors. Such development is observed with suspicion in the West. Concerned about the decline of global U.S. influence, some American scholars have re-invented the notion of "culture" to point at an alleged East Asian threat. Also East Asian statesmen use the cultural argument by claiming the existence of so-called 'Asian values', which they allege are the key to Eastern economic success. This thesis argues that issues of human rights in East-West relations are not only a consequence of well-intended concern by Western governments regarding the human rights and welfare of the citizens of East Asian nations, but are in fact dominated by and used as a pawn in interplay with more complicated questions of global power and economic relations between East and West. The thesis reviews the relevance of culture in East-West relations. In the West, particularly Samuel P. Huntington with his prediction of the Clash of Civilizations stands out. Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew has been very vocal on the Eastern side. Whereas the West tries to cope with its decrease of global influence, after hundreds of years under Western hegemonism, the East believes in an Asian way of development without interference form the West. Most of this dispute revolves around the issue of human rights. The West claims the universality of rights which in fact emphasizes political and civil rights. Western countries critizise poor human rights standards in East Asia. The East, in return, accuses the West of hypocritical policies that seek global dominance. East Asian governments assert that due to a different stage of development they have to stress first their rights to development in order to assure stability. In particular, China argues this way. The country's leadership, however, shows concern about human rights and has already improved its human rights record over the past years. This thesis analyses the dispute over human rights in a case study on Germany and China. Both countries have a mutual interest in trade relations which has conflicted with Germany's criticism of China's problematic human rights record. In 1996, the two countries clashed after the German parliament passed a resolution condemning China's treatment of Tibet. This caused a lot of damage to the Chinese-German relationship which in the course of the year went back to normality. In the light of these frictions a German human rights policy that focuses on unspectacular grass-roots support of China, for example in strengthening China's legal system, would be preferable. Such co-operation must be based on mutual respect.

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It is our intention in the course of the development of this thesis to give an account of how intersubjectivity is "eidetically" constituted by means of the application of the phenomenological reduction to our experience in the context of the thought of Edmund Husserl; contrasted with various representative thinkers in what H. Spiegelberg refers to as "the wider scene" of phenomenology. That is to say, we intend to show those structures of both consciousness and the relation which man has to the world which present themselves as the generic conditions for the possibility of overcoming our "radical sol itude" in order that we may gain access to the mental 1 ife of an Other as other human subject. It is clear that in order for us to give expression to these accounts in a coherent manner, along with their relative merits, it will be necessary to develop the common features of any phenomenological theory of consdousness whatever. Therefore, our preliminary inquiry, subordinate to the larger theme, shall be into some of the epistemological results of the application of the phenomenological method used to develop a transcendental theory of consciousness. Inherent in this will be the deliniation of the exigency for making this an lIintentional ll theory. We will then be able to see how itis possible to overcome transcendentally the Other as an object merely given among other merely given objects, and further, how this other is constituted specifically as other ego. The problem of transcendental intersubjectivity and its constitution in experience can be viewed as one of the most compelling, if not the most polemical of issues in phenomenology. To be sure, right from the beginning we are forced to ask a number of questions regarding Husserl's responses to the problem within the context of the methodological genesis of the Cartesian Meditations, and The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology. This we do in order to set the stage for amplification. First, we ask, has Husserl lived up to his goal, in this connexion, of an apodictic result? We recall that in his Logos article of 1911 he adminished that previous philosophy does not have at its disposal a merely incomplete and, in particular instances, imperfect doctrinal system; it simply has none whatever. Each and every question is herein controverted, each position is a matter of individual conviction, of the interpretation given byaschool, of a "point of view". 1. Moreover in the same article he writes that his goal is a philosophical system of doctrine that, after the gigantic preparatory work. of generations, really be- . gins from the ground up with a foundation free from doubt and rises up like any skilful construction, wherein stone is set upon store, each as solid as the other, in accord with directive insights. 2. Reflecting upon the fact that he foresaw "preparatory work of generations", we perhaps should not expect that he would claim that his was the last word on the matter of intersubjectivity. Indeed, with 2. 'Edmund Husserl, lIPhilosophy as a Rigorous Science" in Phenomenology and theCrisis6fPhilosophy, trans". with an introduction by Quentin Lauer (New York.: Harper & Row, 1965) pp. 74 .. 5. 2Ibid . pp. 75 .. 6. 3. the relatively small amount of published material by Husserl on the subject we can assume that he himself was not entirely satisfied with his solution. The second question we have is that if the transcendental reduction is to yield the generic and apodictic structures of the relationship of consciousness to its various possible objects, how far can we extend this particular constitutive synthetic function to intersubjectivity where the objects must of necessity always remain delitescent? To be sure, the type of 'object' here to be considered is unlike any other which might appear in the perceptual field. What kind of indubitable evidence will convince us that the characteristic which we label "alter-ego" and which we attribute to an object which appears to resemble another body which we have never, and can never see the whole of (namely, our own bodies), is nothing more than a cleverly contrived automaton? What;s the nature of this peculiar intentional function which enables us to say "you think just as I do"? If phenomenology is to take such great pains to reduce the takenfor- granted, lived, everyday world to an immanent world of pure presentation, we must ask the mode of presentation for transcendent sub .. jectivities. And in the end, we must ask if Husserl's argument is not reducible to a case (however special) of reasoning by analogy, and if so, tf this type of reasoning is not so removed from that from whtch the analogy is made that it would render all transcendental intersubjective understandtng impos'sible? 2. HistoticalandEidetic Priority: The Necessity of Abstraction 4. The problem is not a simple one. What is being sought are the conditions for the poss ibili:ty of experi encing other subjects. More precisely, the question of the possibility of intersubjectivity is the question of the essence of intersubjectivity. What we are seeking is the absolute route from one solitude to another. Inherent in this programme is the ultimate discovery of the meaning of community. That this route needs be lIabstract" requires some explanation. It requires little explanation that we agree with Husserl in the aim of fixing the goal of philosophy on apodictic, unquestionable results. This means that we seek a philosophical approach which is, though, not necessarily free from assumptions, one which examines and makes explicit all assumptions in a thorough manner. It would be helpful at this point to distinguish between lIeidetic ll priority, and JlhistoricallJpriority in order to shed some light on the value, in this context, of an abstraction.3 It is true that intersubjectivity is mundanely an accomplished fact, there havi.ng been so many mi.llions of years for humans to beIt eve in the exi s tence of one another I s abili ty to think as they do. But what we seek is not to study how this proceeded historically, but 3Cf• Maurice Natanson;·TheJburne in 'Self, a Stud in Philoso h and Social Role (Santa Cruz, U. of California Press, 1970 . rather the logical, nay, "psychological" conditions under which this is possible at all. It is therefore irrelevant to the exigesis of this monograph whether or not anyone should shrug his shoulders and mumble IIwhy worry about it, it is always already engaged". By way of an explanation of the value of logical priority, we can find an analogy in the case of language. Certainly the language 5. in a spoken or written form predates the formulation of the appropriate grammar. However, this grammar has a logical priority insofar as it lays out the conditions from which that language exhibits coherence. The act of formulating the grammar is a case of abstraction. The abstraction towards the discovery of the conditions for the poss; bi 1 ity of any experiencing whatever, for which intersubjective experience is a definite case, manifests itself as a sort of "grammar". This "grammar" is like the basic grammar of a language in the sense that these "rulesil are the ~ priori conditions for the possibility of that experience. There is, we shall say, an "eidetic priority", or a generic condition which is the logical antecedent to the taken-forgranted object of experience. In the case of intersubjectivity we readily grant that one may mundanely be aware of fellow-men as fellowmen, but in order to discover how that awareness is possible it is necessary to abstract from the mundane, believed-in experience. This process of abstraction is the paramount issue; the first step, in the search for an apodictic basis for social relations. How then is this abstraction to be accomplished? What is the nature of an abstraction which would permit us an Archimedean point, absolutely grounded, from which we may proceed? The answer can be discovered in an examination of Descartes in the light of Husserl's criticism. 3. The Impulse for Scientific Philosophy. The Method to which it Gives Rise. 6. Foremost in our inquiry is the discovery of a method appropriate to the discovery of our grounding point. For the purposes of our investigations, i.e., that of attempting to give a phenomenological view of the problem of intersubjectivity, it would appear to be of cardinal importance to trace the attempt of philosophy predating Husserl, particularly in the philosophy of Descartes, at founding a truly IIscientific ll philosophy. Paramount in this connexion would be the impulse in the Modern period, as the result of more or less recent discoveries in the natural sciences, to found philosophy upon scientific and mathematical principles. This impulse was intended to culminate in an all-encompassing knowledge which might extend to every realm of possible thought, viz., the universal science ot IIMathexis Universalis ll •4 This was a central issue for Descartes, whose conception of a universal science would include all the possible sciences of man. This inclination towards a science upon which all other sciences might be based waS not to be belittled by Husserl, who would appropriate 4This term, according to Jacab Klein, was first used by Barocius, the translator of Proclus into Latin, to designate the highest mathematical discipline. . 7. it himself in hopes of establishing, for the very first time, philosophy as a "rigorous science". It bears emphasizing that this in fact was the drive for the hardening of the foundations of philosophy, the link between the philosophical projects of Husserl and those of the philosophers of the modern period. Indeed, Husserl owes Descartes quite a debt for indicating the starting place from which to attempt a radical, presupositionless, and therefore scientific philosophy, in order not to begin philosophy anew, but rather for the first time.5 The aim of philosophy for Husserl is the search for apodictic, radical certitude. However while he attempted to locate in experience the type of necessity which is found in mathematics, he wished this necessity to be a function of our life in the world, as opposed to the definition and postulation of an axiomatic method as might be found in the unexpurgated attempts to found philosophy in Descartes. Beyond the necessity which is involved in experiencing the world, Husserl was searching for the certainty of roots, of the conditi'ons which underl ie experience and render it pOssible. Descartes believed that hi~ MeditatiOns had uncovered an absolute ground for knowledge, one founded upon the ineluctable givenness of thinking which is present even when one doubts thinking. Husserl, in acknowledging this procedure is certainly Cartesian, but moves, despite this debt to Descartes, far beyond Cartesian philosophy i.n his phenomenology (and in many respects, closer to home). 5Cf. Husserl, Philosophy as a Rigorous Science, pp. 74ff. 8 But wherein lies this Cartesian jumping off point by which we may vivify our theme? Descartes, through inner reflection, saw that all of his convictions and beliefs about the world were coloured in one way or another by prejudice: ... at the end I feel constrained to reply that there is nothing in a all that I formerly believed to be true, of which I cannot in some measure doubt, and that not merely through want of thought or through levity, but for reasons which are very powerful and maturely considered; so that henceforth I ought not the less carefully to refrain from giving credence to these opinions than to that which is manifestly false, if I desire to arrive at any certainty (in the sciences). 6 Doubts arise regardless of the nature of belief - one can never completely believe what one believes. Therefore, in order to establish absolutely grounded knowledge, which may serve as the basis fora "universal Science", one must use a method by which one may purge oneself of all doubts and thereby gain some radically indubitable insight into knowledge. Such a method, gescartes found, was that, as indicated above by hi,s own words, of II radical doubt" which "forbids in advance any judgemental use of (previous convictions and) which forbids taking any position with regard to their val idi'ty. ,,7 This is the method of the "sceptical epoche ll , the method of doubting all which had heretofor 6Descartes,Meditations on First Philosophy, first Med., (Libera 1 Arts Press, New York, 1954) trans. by L. LaFl eur. pp. 10. 7Husserl ,CrisiS of Eliroeari SCiences and Trariscendental Phenomenology, (Northwestern U. Press, Evanston, 1 7 ,p. 76. 9. been considered as belonging to the world, including the world itself. What then is left over? Via the process of a thorough and all-inclusive doubting, Descartes discovers that the ego which performs the epoche, or "reduction", is excluded from these things which can be doubted, and, in principle provides something which is beyond doubt. Consequently this ego provides an absolute and apodictic starting point for founding scientific philosophy. By way of this abstention. of bel ief, Desca'rtes managed to reduce the worl d of everyday 1 ife as bel ieved in, to mere 'phenomena', components of the rescogitans:. Thus:, having discovered his Archimedean point, the existence of the ego without question, he proceeds to deduce the 'rest' of the world with the aid of innate ideas and the veracity of God. In both Husserl and Descartes the compelling problem is that of establ ishing a scientific, apodictic phi'losophy based upon presuppos itionless groundwork .. Husserl, in thi.s regard, levels the charge at Descartes that the engagement of his method was not complete, such that hi.S: starting place was not indeed presupositionless, and that the validity of both causality and deductive methods were not called into question i.'n the performance of theepoche. In this way it is easy for an absolute evidence to make sure of the ego as: a first, "absolute, indubitablyexisting tag~end of the worldll , and it is then only a matter of inferring the absolute subs.tance and the other substances which belon.g to the world, along with my own mental substance, using a logically val i d deductive procedure. 8 8Husserl, E.;' Cartesian 'Meditation;, trans. Dorion Cairns (Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1970), p. 24 ff.

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This study was particularly aimed at the examinations and the effect they have on schooling at the secondary school level in Zimbabwe. The views and opinions of teachers on the use of terminal examinations for certification and the influence they are seen to have on teachers' approach to the curriculum were examined. The literature has shown that there is widespread criticism of the justice and effects of terminal examinations. It is argued that they lead to an over-emphasis of that which is measured, knowledge and intellectual ability, at the expense of that kind of education progress which is almost impossible to measure in an end-of-the-course assessment. Three hundred and six secondary school teachers responded to a survey which asked for teachers' perceptions of examinations and the curriculum. The findings of this study indicated that teaching is structured towards examinations. Although teachers are trying to teach and develop reasoning skills and other activities, the pressure of examinations and the importance of doing well in them force teachers to restrict themselves to examination requirements.