Democracy: critiquing a Eurocentric history

This paper sets out an ambitious critique of contemporary political scientists, political historians and others concerned with the history of democracy. It argues that overwhelmingly the history of democracy relies on an overtly Eurocentric narrative that emphasizes the keystone moments of Western civilization. According to this narrative, democracy has a clear trajectory that can be traced from ancient experiments with participatory government in Greece and to a lesser extent in Rome, through the development of the British parliament, the American Declaration of Independence and the French Revolution, and then finally onto the triumphant march of the liberal model of democracy across the globe over the last 200 years, particularly under Western tutelage. Histories of democracy that focus exclusively on these events not only privilege Europe and its successful colonies, but also miss the broader human story of the struggle for and achievement of democracy.This presents us with a distinct challenge. For those whose heritage does not include a direct link to Greek assemblies, the American Congress or the French Revolution, the ‘standard history of democracy’ provides a distant and exclusive narrative, which limits one’s ability to embrace democracy. This paper concludes by noting that, as democracy spreads out across the world today, political scientists not only need to break down the intellectual orthodoxy that democracy has exclusively Western roots, but also to embrace a more global view of democracy as a political practise that has been present at various times and in sometimes unfamiliar ways in the complex histories and rich cultural traditions of most of the people of the earth.

Management and Michael Polanyi's thought

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to understand the role of management ideas as a resource for developing a new understanding of science and society.
Design/methodology/approach – Three important articles of Polanyi are studied in detail.
Findings – That writings of Graicunas, Foch and Liddell Hart definitely influenced the development of Polanyi’s thinking and writings of Gulick, Mooney among other management/organization theorists also likely contributed to Polanyi’s thought.
Research limitations/implications – The study opens a new seam for Polanyi intellectual – historical scholarship.
Practical implications – The article sheds light on facets of scientific life, including how scientists themselves participate in the overall management of science.
Social implications – This discussion of Polanyi deepens the appreciation of Liberal society’s functioning.
Originality/value – No other Polanyi scholar has dug deeply into the history of management, considering its intellectual value to Polanyi.

Why did democracy become the preferred political regime only in the twentieth century?

A Democracia Tornou-Se a Forma Preferida de Governo Apenas no Século Vinte. a Busca por Motivos Racionais para Entendermos a Razão não é Suficiente. o Autor Procura por um Fato Histórico Novo que Tenha Levado a Essa Mudança de Preferência, Baseado Sucessivamente na Revolução Capitalista e na Perda Gradual do Medo da Expropriação Pela Burguesia. a Revolução Capitalista que Mudou o Modo de Apropriação do Excedente, da Violência para o Mercado, é a Primeira Condição Necessária. Representa Também a Transição do Estado Absoluto para o Estado Liberal. a Segunda Condição é o Desaparecimento do Medo da Expropriação, Permitindo a Transição do Regime Liberal para o Regime Liberal-Democrático. Depois de Estabelecer Estas Duas Condições, ou Estes Dois Fatos Históricos Novos, o Regime Democrático Tornou-Se Rational Choice para Todas as Classes. para os Capitalistas, Democracia é Agora a Forma de Governo que Melhor Assegura o Direito À Propriedade e Aos Contratos. para os Trabalhadores, é a Forma de Governo que Melhor Assegura o Aumento de Salários com Lucros

Thinking from the South: brazilian social thought and the case of Euclides da Cunha

The article presents the main ideas of Euclides da Cunha (1866-1909), a famous Brazilian intellectual from the beginning of the twentieth-century. Da Cunha was one of the first writers to provide a proto-sociological account of subaltern people in Brazil. The aim of the article is to review his contributions in the light of contemporary discussions concerning postcolonialism and decolonisation.

The inequality curse: constraints and political discretion

We live in an unjust world characterized by economic inequality. No liberal theory of justice is able to justify it. Inequality is not “solved” with equality of opportunity or meritocracy. Nor by the socialist and republican critique. The poor will have to count with them and with democracy to make social progress reality. In their political struggle, they will face one economic constraint: the expected profit rate must remain attractive to business investors. Yet, giving that technological progress in increasingly capital-saving, this economic constraint does not obstruct that wages grow above the productivity rate and inequality is reduced. What really is an obstacle to social justice in the rich countries is, on one hand, the power that capitalist rentiers retain and financists acquired, and, on the other, the competition originated in low wage countries.

The revenge of the market on the rentiers why neo-liberal reports of the end of history turned out to be premature

Starting from the perspective of heterodox Keynesian-Minskyian-Kindlebergian financial economics, this paper begins by highlighting a number of mechanisms that contributed to the current financial crisis. These include excess liquidity, income polarisation, conflicts between financial and productive capital, lack of intelligent regulation, asymmetric information, principal-agent dilemmas and bounded rationalities. However, the paper then proceeds to argue that perhaps more than ever the ‘macroeconomics’ that led to this crisis only makes analytical sense if examined within the framework of the political settlements and distributional outcomes in which it had operated. Taking the perspective of critical social theories the paper concludes that, ultimately, the current financial crisis is the outcome of something much more systemic, namely an attempt to use neo-liberalism (or, in US terms, neo-conservatism) as a new technology of power to help transform capitalism into a rentiers’ delight. And in particular, into a system without much ‘compulsion’ on big business; i.e., one that imposes only minimal pressures on big agents to engage in competitive struggles in the real economy (while inflicting exactly the opposite fate on workers and small firms). A key component in the effectiveness of this new technology of power was its ability to transform the state into a major facilitator of the ever-increasing rent-seeking practices of oligopolistic capital. The architects of this experiment include some capitalist groups (in particular rentiers from the financial sector as well as capitalists from the ‘mature’ and most polluting industries of the preceding techno-economic paradigm), some political groups, as well as intellectual networks with their allies – including most economists and the ‘new’ left. Although rentiers did succeed in their attempt to get rid of practically all fetters on their greed, in the end the crisis materialised when ‘markets’ took their inevitable revenge on the rentiers by calling their (blatant) bluff.

Why has productivity growth stagnated in most Latin American countries since the neo-liberal reforms?

Latin America’s economic performance since the beginning of neo-liberal reforms has been poor; this not only contrasts with its own performance pre-1980, but also with what has happened in Asia since 1980. I shall argue that the weakness of the region’s new paradigm is rooted as much in its intrinsic flaws as in the particular way it has been implemented. Latin America’s economic reforms were undertaken primarily as a result of the perceived economic weaknesses of the region — i.e., there was an attitude of ‘throwing in the towel’ vis-à-vis the previous state-led import substituting industrialisation strategy, because most politicians and economists interpreted the 1982 debt crisis as conclusive evidence that it had led the region into a cul-de-sac. As Hirschman has argued, policymaking has a strong component of ‘path-dependency’; as a result, people often stick with policies after they have achieved their aims, and those policies have become counterproductive. This leads to such frustration and disappointment with existing policies and institutions that is not uncommon to experience a ‘rebound effect’. An extreme example of this phenomenon is post-1982 Latin America, where the core of the discourse of the economic reforms that followed ended up simply emphasising the need to reverse as many aspects of the previous development (and political) strategies as possible. This helps to explain the peculiar set of priorities, the rigidity and the messianic attitude with which the reforms were implemented in Latin America, as well as their poor outcome. Something very different happened in Asia, where economic reforms were often intended (rightly or wrongly) as a more targeted and pragmatic mechanism to overcome specific economic and financial constraints. Instead of implementing reforms as a mechanism to reverse existing industrialisation strategies, in Asia they were put into practice in order to continue and strengthen ambitious processes of industrialisation.

Micarande: festa do povo?

Contemporary politics have assumed new configurations both in the way they are carried out and in the content publicized. Nevertheless, some practices are unchanged since antiquity. But the advent of the media and its circumstantial molding of current society have forced politics to make some changes to adapt both to mass media and to the new social practices in liberal democracy. Given that fact, this study tried to demonstrate how power has become personalized in Campina Grande, Paraíba, Brazil, by a politician named Cássio Cunha Lima. Through the communications media and popular manifestations, he has been trying to create a symbiosis between Micarande a Carnival party (not held in the traditional Mardi Gras week) and his own public image, elaborating a process that identifies him with that event. In that way, he hopes to appropriate the festival and project his political image by using the party as na electoral currency in his publicity campaigns

Mediação como instrumento de desjudicialização das questões familiares: constitucionalização do Direito de Família

The Liberal Constitutionalism emerged from the late eighteenth century, a period of major revolutions (French and American), fruit of the struggle for libertarian rights. Although the time of the first written constitutions, these were linked to mere political letters, did not provide for fundamental human rights, as it is, so only on the state organization, structure of powers, division of powers of the state and some relations between state and individuals. There was a clear division between the civil codes and constitutions, those governing private relations and acted as barriers to non-state intervention. After the Second World War, the constitutions are no longer Letters political order to establish how the human person, in order to enshrine the fundamental rights, the primacy of constitutional principles and take their normative function against ordinary legislator. Constitutional evolution gave the name of contemporary constitutionalism, based on repersonalization or despatrimonialização of Private Law, ceasing the separation of legislative civil codes and constitutions, in favor of the protection of fundamental rights of the human person. And this tendency to the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988 brought higher ground the dignity of the human person, the epicenter axiological legal to govern private relations, including family law. The constitutionalization of family law motivates the adoption of desjudicialização family issues, so as to respect the direio intimacy, privacy, private autonomy and access to justice. Conflictual family relationships require special treatment, given the diversity and dynamism of their new compositions. The break in the family relationship is guided in varied feelings among its members in order to hinder an end harmonic. Thus, the judiciary, through performances impositive, not to honor the power of decision of the parties, as also on the structural problems faced to operate on these cases, the environment is not the most appropriate to offer answers to the end of family quarrels. Situation that causes future demands on the dissatisfaction of the parties with the result. Before the development of the Family Law comes the need to adopt legal institutions, which monitor the socio-cultural, and that promote an effective assistance to people involved in this kind of conflict. In obedience to the private autonomy, before manifestations of volunteers involved in family mediation, among autocompositivos instruments of conflict resolution, is indicated as the most shaped the treatment of family quarrels. Remaining, then the state a minimal intervention to prevent excessive intrusion into private life and personal privacy

A Produção biopolítica do corpo saudável: mídia e subjetividade na cultura do excesso e da moderação

Recognizing the plans left by Foucault as legitimate, for those that the struggle to fight against all forms of way of life subjection takes an important role on human being existence, this thesis questions the impacts of body planning on health specialized media on the production of the contemporary subjectivity. Having the Saúde! magazine as this thesis empirical field, it discusses the subjectivity processes centered on the realization of many bodily practices destined to a perfect body self-construction, finding suitable conditions for a narcissistic development of the new ways of social regulation on hypermodern societies. Our central argument, refering to a specific reflection about the body, media and subjectivity, is that the body promoting over the health specialized media makes possible the creation of new existential territories, configuring the healthy body bio-political production by a subjectivity process open to experimenting and to self-invention. Bodily subjectivity process centered on body self-construction, simultaneously generating human subjectivity singularization and massification, evidencing escape routes to build a body health existential perspective. In this thesis we seek to point not only the historically hegemonic forms of being healthy, but mainly the forces that nowadays question these forms, making possible the thought of other ways to live the health of the body, starting from the subjectivity singularization

Cuidados paliativos e ser-para-morte: reflexões sobre um atendimento psicológico

Death is a theme that fascinates, though at the same time, frightens and uneasy the human being, despite the finitude being present at our daily lives. In each historical time, death has been represented in a peculiar way, from familiar death (at Middle Ages), to interdicted death (at contemporary times). Through this path it‟s possible to recognize several attitudes and stages front of death and the process of dying as possibilities of coping and the understanding of these occurrences. In other hand, the palliative care proposal came as a humanized attention, front of the human finitude, recognizing death as a part of the vital cycle. The Brazilian reality, in this context, still faces a lot of political, economic and social barriers that makes difficult the consolidation of palliative care at the death process in the Brazilian Health Care policies. Currently, according to the Brazilian Palliative Care Association, Brazil presents an average of 40 services with this proposal. Such data portray our inexpressive condition in relation to these cares when considering the territorial extension and population of our country. Considering this scenario is relevant think about death and the process of dying at contemporary times, at a health context in which palliative care, when trying to humanize the process of dying, bring to light the issue of human finitude and the beingtowards- death, as thought by the philosopher Martin Heidegger. According to him, the human being (Dasein) is constituted as a being-towards-death, once death is its most own potentiality-for-bein and its last possibility to be lived. In view of the ideas presented, the proposed study appears as a qualitative research of existential-phenomenological inspiration and aims to understand the experience of being-toward-death from the psychological care to a person out of possibilities of cure living on palliative cares. The psychological care happened at the patient‟s home, understanding the clinical process of being-with-the-other from the written reports of the psychology/researcher, by the accompanying sessions, configured as an experience report. These reports are focused on the experiences lived by the patient, as well as apprehended by the psychologist at the intersubjectivity relation and its own experience with Dasein and, therefore, being-toward-death. The reports were hermeneutically interpreted, from the senses that emerged in this process, considering the notion of being-toward-death proposed by Heidegger. Furthermore, it was important to dialogue with other authors that approached the studied theme. It is perceived, through brief and meaningful reflections about the clinical treatments started, that the experience of illness with no possibilities of cure makes the Dasein revises feelings and experiences that were marked at the temporality and historicity of existence. It is a stage of life in which the cultural dimension and the common sense of finitude, often gains ground in the human condition, taken in its ordinary sense, unlike the way it has been thought from an ontological and existential perspective of death. Thus, there are singulars and revealing paths in the palliative care scenery as possible ways for authenticity of being-toward-death

O Serviço Residencial Terapêutico: cartografias de um híbrido no contexto da desinstitucionalização em saúde mental

This thesis seeks to uphold the idea that the therapeutic residential service, as hybrid device and recent process of deinstitutionalization in mental health, works as a problem producer while it also indicates challenges and potentialities in this process, the attention on mental health and on its own care production. To that end, we work with the prospect map with which we approach reality as the subjectivities production field which transformations and intensities are the major thought propellants. From this perspective, it was possible to produce three "purpose maps" from meetings with actors and groups involved with the TRS and the theoretical study carried out. On the first map we mapped the conditions of possibility of this device and its design in the midst of the process of institutionalization and health policies. We indicate on it the TRS configuration as a hybrid and we hassled its proposition as a means of "social rehabilitation" that can work as a social homogeneity mechanism. On a second map, we cartographied mental captures through images and ways historically built from madness presented in the biopolitical contemporary game and we indicated that the resistance to such catches should be built on a politic daily basis as important vectors of the institutionalization process in mental health. Finally, on a third map we mapped the carefulness produced in the TRS, by analyzing the transition psychiatric hospital - TRS and the caregivers´ team work. On this mapping, the care, for the weakness in the coresponsibility field, is reveled crossed by mental, disciplinary and normality elements, but it is also built in resistance born from links in the intersubjective field of the caring work. We conclude, then, that the TRS power and the deinstitutionalization process itself were in building and strengthening affective labor micro political networks of life and liberty producers

Para onde caminha a ciência politica?

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the challenges to Political Sciences at the moment when many authors emphasize the usage of democratic paradigm as the only way to the rational building of speech in pluralist societies. At the end of one century of the consolidation of modern liberal thought, both in right and left versions (Wallerstein, 1995), the democracy as research tradition(Ball, 1987) fades away its ethical meaning, based upon equality and freedom, and lacks room for discussions about rules for implementing it. The analytical method seeks to historically rebuild the different levels of modern state-nation upbringing and the consolidation of competitive party democracy in the 20th century, which is the explanation key for the political organizational phenomenon of globalized societies. The result of this analysis opens new perspectives to Political Sciences advance in discussing the nature of democratic paradigm since it needs to face challenges to survive, such as: the fight against the structural violence of our society; the fight against despotism; and the adjustment to the meaning of the word freedom. The facing of the mentioned challenges may open explanation keys that will lead to a change in Political Sciences ways.

Justiça penal autoritária e consolidação do estado punitivo no Brasil

The Brazilian democratic transition, still underway today, has run up against enormous difficulty in incorporating penal action. Or, put in yet stronger terms, we could say that the boundaries of democratization processes, delineated through the action of that sector of the State, reveal the possibility that the juridical field remains immune to democratizing change. Although prevailing discourse among law professionals asserts that Penal Justice is undergoing democratization, what we have observed in practice is a strong resistance within the juridical field to assuming political responsibilities within the consolidation of democracy. This article reports analyses and conclusions formulated through observation of the Brazilian penal justice system that gave origin to the thesis entitled Penal Justice in Brazil today: democratic discourse, authoritarian practice. The research sought to reflect on contemporary criminal justice policy, which has been guided by the widening of repression and the continued use of incarceration. Such policy, carried out in Brazil since the beginning of the 1985 political opening has adjusted itself to the liberal project that is also currently underway in the country, as well as in almost the entire Western capitalist world. As we can observe, Penal Justice, even during the execution of sentences, operates in authoritarian and exclusive ways, suppressing the rights guaranteed by law to those who have been sentenced and adopting extremely repressive forms as demonstrated by the extremely sparse benefits that it concedes. Thus, in Brazil, criminality has generally been responded through severe sentences, reflected in the absence of guarantees of constitutional rights and ample recourse to incarceration. In this vein, our contemporary democratic governments have frequently adopted a punitive stance that seeks to reaffirm the State's aptitudes for punishing and controlling criminality. © 2009 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

Poder político, território e crise ambiental na Colômbia

Political power, territory and environmental crisis in Colombia. We describe some forms of operation of the political power of the Colombian State and their impacts on the territory. The analysis uses some results of a doctoral research that sought to understand the institutional and regulatory foundations and the water management practices in two metropolitan areas of South America, Cali in Colombia, and Campinas in Brazil. The theoretical framework, primarily based on critical thought, starts by making an approach to the concept of power and then links it with the concepts of territory and governance. We present empirical evidence on how the political power of the Colombian State operates on the environmental institutional structure. We concluded that the authoritarian interference of the executive power has generated crisis on the institutional framework and facilitated the advancement of the neo-liberal capitalist model.