918 resultados para Art 13 Constitución


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This paper offers a mediation on disaster, recovery, resilience, and restoration of balance, in both a material and a metaphorical sense, when ‘disaster’ befalls not the body politic of the nation but the body personal. In the past few decades, of course, artists, activists and scholars have deliberately tried to avoid describing personal, physical and phenomenological experiences of the disabled body in terms of difficulty and disaster. This has been part of a political move, from a medical model, in which disability, disease and illness are positioned as personal catastrophes, to a social model, in which disability is positioned as a social construct that comes from systems, institutions and infrastructure designed to exclude different bodies. It is a move that is responsible for a certain discomfort people with disabilities, and artists with disabilities, today feel towards performances that deploy disability as a metaphor for disaster, from Hijikata, to Theatre Hora. In the past five years, though, this particular discourse has begun rising again, particularly as people with disabilities fact their own anything but natural disasters as a result of the austerity measures now widespread across the US, UK, Europe and elsewhere. Measures that threaten people’s ability to live, and take part in social and institutional life, in any meaningful way. Measures that, as artist Katherine Araniello notes, also bring additional difficulty, danger, and potential for disaster as they ripple outwards across the tides of familial ties, threatening family, friends, and careers who become bound up in the struggle to do more with less. In this paper, I consider how people with disabilities use performance, particularly public space interventionalist performance, to reengage, renact and reenvisage the discourse of national, economic, environmental or other forms of disaster, the need for austerity, the need to avoid providing people with support for desires and interests as well as basic daily needs, particularly when fraud and corruption is so right, and other such ideas that have become an all too unpleasant reality for many people. Performances, for instance, like Liz Crow’s Bedding Out, where she invited people into her bed – for people with disabilities a symbolic space, which necessarily becomes more a public living room restaurant, office and so forth than a private space when poor mobility means they spend much time it in – to talk about their lives, their difficulties, and dealing with austerity. Or, for instance, like the Bolshy Divas, who mimic public and political policy, reports and advertising paranoia to undermine their discourses about austerity. I examine the effects, politics and ethics of such interventions, including examination of the comparative effect of highly bodied interventions (like Crow’s) and highly disembodied interventions (like the Bolshy Diva’s) in discourses of difficulty, disaster and austerity on a range of target spectator communities.

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The use of social networking has exploded, with millions of people using various web- and mobile-based services around the world. This increase in social networking use has led to user anxiety related to privacy and the unauthorised exposure of personal information. Large-scale sharing in virtual spaces means that researchers, designers and developers now need to re-consider the issues and challenges of maintaining privacy when using social networking services. This paper provides a comprehensive survey of the current state-of-the-art privacy in social networks for both desktop and mobile uses and devices from various architectural vantage points. The survey will assist researchers and analysts in academia and industry to move towards mitigating many of the privacy issues in social networks.

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The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

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Several methods were developed for converting isodigitoxigenin (2a) into methyl acetals 4b and 4c. Of these, methanolysis (followed by acetylation) of isodigitoxigenin in the presence of p-toluenesulfonic acid proved most useful. Each isomer reached an equilibrium corresponding to ca. 3:1 acetal 4c to 4b within 15 min in benzene containing p-toluenesulfonic acid. Addition of dihydropyran to the equilibrium mixture resulted in excellent conversion into vinyl ether 5a. Heating either acetal 4b or 4c in benzene containing p-toluenesulfonic acid led to a skeletal rearrangement culminating in formation of C-norcardenolide 6. In addition to results of physical measurements, the structure of spiran 6 was confirmed by degradation to methyl ketone 8. Similar rearrangement of isodigitoxigenin gave spiran 9 accompanied by C-norcardenolide 6. Treating lactone 9 with p-toluenesulfonic acid in methanol-water provided acetals 10a and 10b, which on further contact with p-toluenesulfonic acid in refluxing benzene gave lactone 9 and cardenolide 6. Evidence underlying the stereochemical assignments noted for structures 4, 9, and 10 was also discussed.

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This study examines how Finnish foreign and security policy has been influenced by the European Union and its Common Foreign and Security Policy. It points to a growing interplay and misfit between the external expectations originating from the European level and the domestic expectations and traditional ways-of-doing-things. It is concluded that the deepening European integration in the sphere of foreign, security and defence policy has played a significant role in a number of transformations in the Finnish policies since 1995. New, more European, meanings have been attached to the key concepts of Finnish foreign and security policy. Neutrality and traditional peacekeeping have been replaced by a minimalist reading of military non-alignment and participation in crisis management operations and EU battle groups. Traditional small state identity has been recast more and more as small member stateness . At the same time Finland has entered an era of post-consensus in national foreign and security policy. A key theoretical argument in the background of the study is that collective understandings attached to European policies, when not resonating well with domestic understandings, cause adaptation pressures on domestic-level processes and may lead to changes in the way interests and identities are constructed. This means that Europeanization is principally seen as identity reconstruction. Consequently, the theoretical framework of the study builds on the Europeanization research literature and constructivist IR theory on state identity. Foreign and security policy is defined as the practice in which state identity is reproduced, and the key foreign and security policy concepts are seen as the vehicles of identity production. It is concluded that for Finland, participation in the EU s foreign, security and defence policies represents not only a tool for responding to the changes in the international security environment but also a new means of self-identification. Concerning the Finnish attempts of projecting national interests on the European security policy agenda, it is concluded that they mainly relate to the compatibility of the potential development of EU s defence dimension with the Finnish military non-alignment. Although neutrality was cast aside in the official security policy when Finland joined the EU, the analysis shows that its impact has continued in the domestic political debate and in the mind-set of the decision-makers. The primary research material includes official Finnish foreign and security policy documentation and the related parliamentary debates from 1994 to 2007. This study serves also as a comprehensive empirical overview on Finland s reactions and contributions to the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy.

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Spontaneous ejection of chloride from a three-coordinate boron Lewis acid can be effected by employing very electron rich metal substituents and leads to the formation of a sterically unprotected terminal (dimethylamino)borylene complex that has a short metal-boron bond and remarkable resistance to attack by nucleophilic and protic reagents.

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Horseback riding is a popular activity in Finland, especially among young women and girls. For centuries, however, horse husbandry and horse culture in Finland had been dominated by men. Nowadays it is mainly the girls who ride as a hobby and take care of the horses. The stable has evolved into an important social sphere for girls, a semi-public room of their own where they spend time together. A study of the girl culture in the riding stable offers a unique perspective as well as new information on becoming a girl and a young woman in Finland. The subject of my research is the girl culture and girls communities at the horseback riding stables. In this thesis I discuss what kind of girl-cultural sphere the stable is, how girls organize their community, and what different aspects and meanings the hobby entails for girls while they are actively engaged in the hobby. I focus on the construction of gender and girlhood and examine how these gender constructions can be theorized as gender tradition. The research material consists of the interviews of 22 stable girls from different parts of Finland and an observation period at one of the stables. The informants were from 13 to 27 years of age. The theoretical background is based on the anthropological study of folklore, girls studies, feminist theory and post-humanist viewpoints. I am interested in how girls culture and girlhood are produced performatively in the interview narration and participant observation. I concentrate on four aspects of this culture: 1) what girls do at the stable, and what kind of relationships they create with horses; 2) social relations focusing on the ways girls construct their own groups, the way their hierarchy is constructed and how they use power; 3) the norms and social control regarding social behaviour; and 4) the reasons girls give for their involvement in the hobby, and girls interest in horses in general. In this girl culture, gender norms and boundaries are not only stretched or transgressed, but the culture also re-produces the hierarchical and stereotypical ideas of gender. The traditions of gender express both the hegemonic gender system and those ideas of gender which girls resist, at least momentarily. Constructions of gender and gender tradition are constituted at the intersections of historical and contemporary expectations of what it means to be a girl. Conscious of these societal demands, girls support, reproduce, challenge, and make comments on them.

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This is the second part of a two part review on the state-of-the-art in holographic optical elements (HOEs). The aspects of fabrication, evaluation, and applications of HOEs, are discussed in this part. It details the direction of future efforts towards finding work-horse type recording media, developing new methods for the evaluation of HOE, and identifying the areas of application where HOEs are to be considered as indispensable components/tools. Finally a summary of all the suggestions for future work made in the two parts is displayed in Table 2 of this part of the review.

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A state-of-the-art review on holographic optical elements (HOE) is presented in two parts. In Part I a conceptual overview and an assessment of the current status on the design of HOE have been included. It is pointed out that HOE development based on the use of squeezed light, speckle, non-linear recording, comparative studies between optics and communication approaches, are some of the promising directions for future research in this vital area of photonics.

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Denoising of medical images in wavelet domain has potential application in transmission technologies such as teleradiology. This technique becomes all the more attractive when we consider the progressive transmission in a teleradiology system. The transmitted images are corrupted mainly due to noisy channels. In this paper, we present a new real time image denoising scheme based on limited restoration of bit-planes of wavelet coefficients. The proposed scheme exploits the fundamental property of wavelet transform - its ability to analyze the image at different resolution levels and the edge information associated with each sub-band. The desired bit-rate control is achieved by applying the restoration on a limited number of bit-planes subject to the optimal smoothing. The proposed method adapts itself to the preference of the medical expert; a single parameter can be used to balance the preservation of (expert-dependent) relevant details against the degree of noise reduction. The proposed scheme relies on the fact that noise commonly manifests itself as a fine-grained structure in image and wavelet transform allows the restoration strategy to adapt itself according to directional features of edges. The proposed approach shows promising results when compared with unrestored case, in context of error reduction. It also has capability to adapt to situations where noise level in the image varies and with the changing requirements of medical-experts. The applicability of the proposed approach has implications in restoration of medical images in teleradiology systems. The proposed scheme is computationally efficient.

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We propose an effective elastography technique in which an acoustic radiation force is used for remote palpation to generate localized tissue displacements, which are directly correlated to localized variations of tissue stiffness and are measured using a light probe in the same direction of ultrasound propagation. The experimental geometry has provision to input light beam along the ultrasound propagation direction, and hence it can be prealigned to ensure proper interception of the focal region by the light beam. Tissue-mimicking phantoms with homogeneous and isotropic mechanical properties of normal and malignant breast tissue are considered for the study. Each phantom is insonified by a focusing ultrasound transducer (1 MHz). The focal volume of the transducer and the ultrasound radiation force in the region are estimated through solving acoustic wave propagation through medium assuming average acoustic properties. The forward elastography problem is solved for the region of insonification assuming the Lame's parameters and Poisson's ratio, under Dirichlet boundary conditions which gives a distribution of displacement vectors. The direction of displacement, though presented spatial variation, is predominantly towards the ultrasound propagation direction. Using Monte Carlo (MC) simulation we have traced the photons through the phantom and collected the photons arriving at the detector on the boundary of the object in the direction of ultrasound. The intensity correlations are then computed from detected photons. The intensity correlation function computed through MC simulation showed a modulation whose strength is found to be proportional to the amplitude of displacement and inversely related to the storage (elastic) modulus. It is observed that when the storage modulus in the focal region is increased the computed displacement magnitude, as indicated by the depth of modulation in the intensity autocorrelation, decreased and the trend is approximately exponential.