889 resultados para public attitudes
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BackgroundChildren with autism spectrum disorder are increasingly educated in mainstream classrooms in the United Kingdom (Wilkinson & Twist, Autism and Educational Assessment: UK Policy and Practice. NFER, Slough, 2010), and some employers are now specifically seeking out staff on the autism spectrum. Does that mean that we are living in an inclusive society' [United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA), Creating an Inclusive Society: Practical Strategies to Promote Social Integration 2008], in the sense that inequalities are reduced and full economic, social and cultural participation is advanced for individuals with autism?
MethodsA general population survey was conducted to assess how close we, as a society, are to an inclusive society for individuals with autism in Northern Ireland. Public attitudes were examined to (i) visibility and social interaction, (ii) aetiology, needs and interventions, and (iii) rights and resources.
ResultsA stratified, representative sample of 1204 adults took part in the survey; of these, 989 were aware of autism and their attitudes and behavioural projections reflected a mix of acceptance and denunciation. The level of confusion with regard to interventions reflected the general uncertainty within UK policy regarding meeting the needs of individuals on the autism spectrum (International Journal of Disability, Development and Education 61, 134, 2014a).
ConclusionTherefore, it seems that inclusion is working to an extent, but more clarity is needed with regard to adequate education, intervention and support for individuals with autism.
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1) Executive Summary
Legislation (Autism Act NI, 2011), a cross-departmental strategy (Autism Strategy 2013-2020) and a first action plan (2013-2016) have been developed in Northern Ireland in order to support individuals and families affected by Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) without a prior thorough baseline assessment of need. At the same time, there are large existing data sets about the population in NI that had never been subjected to a secondary data analysis with regards to data on ASD. This report covers the first comprehensive secondary data analysis and thereby aims to inform future policy and practice.
Following a search of all existing, large-scale, regional or national data sets that were relevant to the lives of individuals and families affected by Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) in Northern Ireland, extensive secondary data analyses were carried out. The focus of these secondary data analyses was to distill any ASD related data from larger generic data sets. The findings are reported for each data set and follow a lifespan perspective, i.e., data related to children is reported first before data related to adults.
Key findings:
Autism Prevalence:
Of children born in 2000 in the UK,
• 0.9% (1:109) were reported to have ASD, when they were 5-year old in 2005;
• 1.8% (1:55) were reported to have ASD, when they were 7-years old in 2007;
• 3.5% (1:29) were reported to have ASD, when they were 11-year old in 2011.
In mainstream schools in Northern Ireland
• 1.2% of the children were reported to have ASD in 2006/07;
• 1.8% of the children were reported to have ASD in 2012/13.
Economic Deprivation:
• Families of children with autism (CWA) were 9%-18% worse off per week than families of children not on the autism spectrum (COA).
• Between 2006-2013 deprivation of CWA compared to COA nearly doubled as measured by eligibility for free school meals (from near 20 % to 37%)
• In 2006, CWA and COA experienced similar levels of deprivation (approx. 20%), by 2013, a considerable deprivation gap had developed, with CWA experienced 6% more deprivation than COA.
• Nearly 1/3 of primary school CWA lived in the most deprived areas in Northern Ireland.
• Nearly ½ of children with Asperger’s Syndrome who attended special school lived in the most deprived areas.
Unemployment:
• Mothers of CWA were 6% less likely to be employed than mothers of COA.
• Mothers of CWA earned 35%-56% less than mothers of COA.
• CWA were 9% less likely to live in two income families than COA.
Health:
• Pre-diagnosis, CWA were more likely than COA to have physical health problems, including walking on level ground, speech and language, hearing, eyesight, and asthma.
• Aged 3 years of age CWA experienced poorer emotional and social health than COA, this difference increased significantly by the time they were 7 years of age.
• Mothers of young CWA had lower levels of life satisfaction and poorer mental health than mothers of young COA.
Education:
• In mainstream education, children with ASD aged 11-16 years reported less satisfaction with their social relationships than COA.
• Younger children with ASD (aged 5 and 7 years) were less likely to enjoy school, were bullied more, and were more reluctant to attend school than COA.
• CWA attended school 2-3 weeks less than COA .
• Children with Asperger’s Syndrome in special schools missed the equivalent of 8-13 school days more than children with Asperger’s Syndrome in mainstream schools.
• Children with ASD attending mainstream schooling were less likely to gain 5+ GCSEs A*-C or subsequently attend university.
Further and Higher Education:
• Enrolment rates for students with ASD have risen in Further Education (FE), from 0% to 0.7%.
• Enrolment rates for students with ASD have risen in Higher Education (HE), from 0.28% to 0.45%.
• Students with ASD chose to study different subjects than students without ASD, although other factors, e.g., gender, age etc. may have played a part in subject selection.
• Students with ASD from NI were more likely than students without ASD to choose Northern Irish HE Institutions rather than study outside NI.
Participation in adult life and employment:
• A small number of adults with ASD (n=99) have benefitted from DES employment provision over the past 12 years.
• It is unknown how many adults with ASD have received employment support elsewhere (e.g. Steps to Work).
•
Awareness and Attitudes in the General Population:
• In both the 2003 and 2012 NI Life and Times Survey (NILTS), NI public reported positive attitudes towards the inclusion of children with ASD in mainstream education (see also BASE Project Vol. 2).
Gap Analysis Recommendations:
This was the first comprehensive secondary analysis with regards to ASD of existing large-scale data sets in Northern Ireland. Data gaps were identified and further replications would benefit from the following data inclusion:
• ASD should be recorded routinely in the following datasets:
o Census;
o Northern Ireland Survey of Activity Limitation (NISALD);
o Training for Success/Steps to work; Steps to Success;
o Travel survey;
o Hate crime; and
o Labour Force Survey.
• Data should be collected on the destinations/qualifications of special school leavers.
• NILT Survey autism module should be repeated in 5 years time (2017) (see full report of 1st NILT Survey autism module 2012 in BASE Project Report Volume 2).
• General public attitudes and awareness should be assessed for children and young people, using the Young Life and Times Survey (YLT) and the Kids Life and Times Survey (KLT); (this work is underway, Dillenburger, McKerr, Schubolz, & Lloyd, 2014-2015).
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Most special issues on Roma minorities want to alert readers to the devastating consequences of racist public attitudes and misdirected public policy. Here we don't shy away from such issues, but we also want to challenge our own scholarship and ask some fundamental questions about how we, as academics, are approaching such research. In this introduction the context of the special issue is explored, both in terms of the historic backdrop of an expanding European Union and the academic theoretical framework of minority integration. Major critical questioning – such as broader questions around migration, race and ethnicity discourses – are still lacking when it comes to research on or with Roma minorities. Our main aim is to move debates on from continually describing who Roma people are and what they are doing, to questioning: who defines who is Roma, when and why? What happens in policy-making, research, everyday interactions? This approach sees an understanding of recognition, representations and power dynamics as fundamental to understanding the positionings of minorities who can also be marginalised or feel disenfranchised. This introduction to the special issue highlights the importance of deeply conceptualising issues around minority integration alongside empirical knowledge of how Roma identities become implicated in and through different modalities of mobilisation. Contributions to this special issue speak to debates in minority politics and identity studies along with migration and race/ethnicity discourses. This indicates that the experiences of, and discourses surrounding Roma minorities reflect the fundamental concerns of social science research about identity, ethnicity, cohesion and change.
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During the late twentieth century the supply chains for gold were considered by the majority of consumers (when they were considered at all) to be driven by simple commercial imperatives. That notion was shattered during the first decade of the twenty-first century by the appearance of ethical campaigns, led by advocates determined to present major players in the gold industry as morally reprehensible. The ‘No Dirty Gold’ campaign sought to shift the purchasing of gold onto a moral register, in order to challenge the activities of large mining corporations. It was followed by the Fairtrade Foundation’s ‘Fairtrade Gold’ initiative, which had aspirations to support subsistence mining communities at the expense of big business. By directly targeting a luxury material and playing on its inherent social ambiguities, campaigners hoped to thoroughly moralise the purchasing of gold objects. Dr Oakley’s presentation will examine the forces behind this developing social phenomenon, describe the trajectories of a selection of major campaigns, and consider the extent to which these have impacted on public attitudes, gold miners and the actions of consumers, producers and retailers of luxury goods.
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The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.
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Este trabajo constituye una revisión de la influencia de las variables individuales y contextuales sobre las actitudes hacia la discapacidad. Para alcanzar este objetivo, se describió el concepto de discapacidad desde una perspectiva social, en donde se concibió la discapacidad como un aspecto relacional en vez de una característica individual. Por otra parte se describieron las actitudes hacia la discapacidad, los tipos y sus consecuencias, teniendo en cuenta las percepciones, creencias, emociones, información sobre discapacidad y variables sociodemográficas las cuales tienen un papel significativo en la formación y mantenimiento de las actitudes hacia la discapacidad. Adicionalmente se presentaron algunas de las estrategias de intervención que tiene como propósito mejorar las actitudes, aspecto que puede ayudar o contribuir a la aceptación de las personas con discapacidad. Finalmente, el presente trabajo muestra la necesidad de continuar el estudio de las actitudes hacia la discapacidad, y el mejorar las intervenciones basadas en los hallazgos presentados.
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El suicidio asistido como una posible opción al final de la vida, es una idea que hasta ahora está siendo considerada, ya que existen argumentaciones a favor y en contra que han generado controvertidos debates a su alrededor. Algunos de los argumentos en contra están basados en los principios de las instituciones religiosas de orden cristiano, las cuales defienden el valor sagrado de la vida de las personas y la aceptación del sufrimiento como un acto de amor profundo y sumisión a los mandatos de Dios, el creador. Mientras del lado contrario, se encuentran quienes defienden el procedimiento, impulsando la autonomía y la autodeterminación que cada persona tiene sobre su vida. La revisión de la literatura realizada no sólo permite ampliar los argumentos de estas dos posiciones, sino que también permite conocer la historia del suicidio asistido, la posición que este procedimiento tiene en diferentes países del mundo, incluyendo a Colombia, y finalmente se presentan las contribuciones de la psicología entorno al procedimiento en discusión.
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Esta revisión de la literatura tuvo como objetivo describir las actitudes hacia el VIH/SIDA, el cáncer y la Enfermedad de Alzheimer desde el modelo tripartito. Se revisaron 109 artículos publicados entre 2005 y 2015 en algunas bases de datos especializadas y herramientas de análisis de impacto. También se incluyeron fuentes secundarias ampliándose la búsqueda a los últimos 20 años (1995-2015). Los resultados mostraron que la mayoría de los estudios realizados sobre las actitudes hacia estas tres enfermedades son de tipo cuantitativo y la información se analizó con base en los componentes del modelo tripartito. Algunos aspectos sociodemográficos como el sexo y la edad están asociados con las actitudes hacia las tres enfermedades y predominan las creencias erróneas sobre ellas respecto a sus causas, curso y tratamiento. También predominan actitudes negativas hacia las tres enfermedades y las conductas e intenciones conductuales son diversas hacia cada una de ellas. No se hallaron antecedentes empíricos del estudio de la estructura de las actitudes propuesta por el modelo tripartito hacia las tres enfermedades. La Salud Pública ha liderado la investigación con base en el modelo de conocimientos, actitudes y prácticas propuesto por la OMS.
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Actualmente, el concepto de seguridad ha logrado expandirse hacia la inclusión de amenazas no tradicionales. En este contexto, el fenómeno de la migración internacional empieza a hacer parte de la agenda de algunos gobiernos, entendiéndose como un asunto que amenaza la seguridad del Estado. El interés de esta monografía gira en torno a examinar el discurso securitizador del Reino Unido sobre la inmigración rumana entre 2007-2014, con el fin de determinar la incidencia que este ha tenido en la percepción de la migración internacional como un asunto de seguridad en la UE. Al entender el discurso del Reino Unido a la luz de la teoría de securitización e incluir el análisis de la opinión pública europea, se observa que, si bien el discurso ha influido en el contexto doméstico, éste ha tenido una baja incidencia en la percepción de la migración internacional como un asunto de seguridad en la UE.
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The measurement of public attitudes towards the criminal law has become an important area of research in recent years because of the perceived desirability of ensuring that the legal system reflects broader societal values. In particular, studies into public perceptions of crime seriousness have attempted to measure the degree of concordance that exists between law and public opinion in the organization and enforcement of criminal offences. These understandings of perceived crime seriousness are particularly important in relation to high-profile issues where public confidence in the law is central to the legal agenda, such as the enforcement of work-related fatality cases. A need to respond to public concern over this issue was cited as a primary justification for the introduction of the Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act 2007. This article will suggest that, although literature looking at the perceived seriousness of corporate crime and, particularly, health and safety offences is limited in volume and generalist in scope, important lessons can be gleaned from existing literature, and pressing questions are raised that demand further empirical investigation.
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Research in social psychology has shown that public attitudes towards feminism are mostly based on stereotypical views linking feminism with leftist politics and lesbian orientation. It is claimed that such attitudes are due to the negative and sexualised media construction of feminism. Studies concerned with the media representation of feminism seem to confirm this tendency. While most of this research provides significant insights into the representation of feminism, the findings are often based on a small sample of texts. Also, most of the research was conducted in an Anglo-American setting. This study attempts to address some of the shortcomings of previous work by examining the discourse of feminism in a large corpus of German and British newspaper data. It does so by employing the tools of Corpus Linguistics. By investigating the collocation profiles of the search term feminism, we provide evidence of salient discourse patterns surrounding feminism in two different cultural contexts.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to report results from a rape trial reconstruction in Ireland. Design/methodology/approach – A studio audience of 100 members of the Irish public were selected to attend a TV programme by the Republic of Ireland’s national broadcasting organisation. This involved the examination of the sentencing of a rape case. The audience’s sentencing preferences were measured at the outset, when they had been given only summary information about the case, and later, when full details had been disclosed. Findings – Previous research examining changes in public attitudes to crime and punishment has shown that deliberation, including the provision of new information and discussion with others and experts, tends to decrease public punitiveness and increase public leniency towards sentencing. An experiment in Ireland, however, showed that providing information does not invariably and necessarily moderate punitive attitudes. This paper presents the results, and offers some explanations for the anomalous outcome. Research limitations/implications – The pre/post design, in which the audience served as their own controls, is a weak one, and participants may have responded to what they took to be the agenda of the producers. Due to the quality of the sample, the results may not be generalisable to the broader Irish population. Practical implications – Policy makers should recognise that the public is not uniformly punitive for all crimes. There is good research evidence to show that the apparent public appetite for tough punishment is illusory, and is a function of the way that polls measure public attitudes to punishment. Sentencers and those responsible for sentencing policy would benefit from a fuller understanding of the sorts of cases which illicit strong punitive responses from the public, and the reasons for this response. However any such understanding should not simply translate into responsiveness to the public’s punitive sentiments – where these exist. Innovative survey methods – like this experiment – which attempt to look beyond the top-of-the-head opinions by providing information and opportunities for deliberation should be welcomed and used more widely. Originality/value – There have been limited research studies which reports factors which may increase punitiveness through the provision of information and deliberation.
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This paper examines public attitudes to the death penalty in Japan, and explores the validity of claims about »majority public support« that have been used by the Japanese government to justify retention. This is done by analyzing three public perception surveys on the legitimacy of the Japanese death penalty system. This paper criticizes the Japanese government for accepting its own survey results, which, at face value, appear to show support for the death penalty; moreover, it concludes that the Japanese public would likely endorse the abolition of the death penalty without damaging the legitimacy of state institutions.
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Outwitting Urban Beaver, by C. E. "Ki" Faulkner, Regional Director, Region 0, NADCA Bear Gets Attention in Southeast Chinese disease Threatens Rabbits Product Announcements: BEAR BE GONE™ -- a device designed to deter bears from foraging in trash cans. Booklet: "Using Guard Animals to Protect Livestock" Abstracts Published at the 3rd Annual Conference of The Wildlife Society: A case study of black bear movements and survival after landfill closure in the central Adirondacks, by Ann M. Russell and S.L. Simek Ecology of coyotes in a sheep ranching environment, by Ben N. Sacks, J.C.C. Neale, M. Jaeger, and D. R. McCullough Design and analysis of carnivore scent-station surveys, by Glen Sargeant, Douglas H. Johnson, and William Berg Public attitudes toward wildlife damage management, by Robert H. Schmidt, M.W. Brunson, andD. Reiter Human dimensions of wildlife contraception, by Robert H. Schmidt and D. E. Mclvor Economic assessment of rabies control efforts in Texas, by Randy M. Smith Methyl salicylate: a naturally occurring avian repellent, by Shirley Wager-Page A brief historical perspective on wildlife contraception research, by Robert J. Warren Wildlife-caused losses to agriculture in 1994, by Alice P. Wywialowski