A virtude dos sacrifícios versus a ciência das transações: Tenório Cavalcanti e o campo político do Rio de Janeiro

Este trabalho tem como objetivo interpretar o fenômeno político expressado por Tenório Cavalcanti - político popular que atuou fundamentalmente em áreas periféricas e pobres da cidade e do estado do Rio de Janeiro entre as décadas de 1930 e 1960. Pretendo mostrar a narrativa, os símbolos e os códigos culturais que construíram a sua imagem pública e como a sua atuação marcou a dinâmica e a estruturação do campo político do Rio de Janeiro. A pesquisa baseia-se, fundamentalmente, no jornal Luta Democrática, entre os anos de 1954 e 1964, e nos seus discursos pronunciados na Câmara dos Deputados, entre 1951 e 1964. A partir da análise das fontes procuro mostrar de que maneira os elementos que constituem o fenômeno servem como ferramenta analítica para compreender melhor a construção de identidades sociais, os mecanismos de representação política, a forma como foram percebidos os processos de inclusão e exclusão social, assim como os conflitos sociais daquele período.

Estratégias para distribuição e fixação de médicos em sistemas nacionais de saúde: o caso brasileiro

A distribuição geográfica de médicos é um problema com que se defrontam os sistemas nacionais de saúde e, no Brasil, tem se tornado um dos desafios para a consolidação do Sistema único de Saúde (SUS). A análise dos determinantes dessa distribuição está fundamentado em abordagens sobre o mercado de trabalho em saúde e no médico sua formação ou oferta inserido no contexto histórico, político, social e institucional em que são construídos. O referencial de análise proposto neste estudo tem como objetivo evidenciar os fatores e condicionantes que interferem na distribuição e fixação de médicos identificar possíveis estratégias de intervenção que podem ser aplicadas à realidade brasileira, no contexto das políticas públicas. O mote para essa discussão é a compreensão de que a forte concentração geográfica dos profissionais e dos serviços impede a concretização dos princípios que regem o Sistema Único de Saúde, particularmente no que se refere à universalização, à integralidade e à própria descentralização. As estratégias tentadas pelo governo brasileiro também são abordadas, mais especificamente, o Projeto Rondon, o Programa de Interiorização das Ações de Saúde e Saneamento (PIASS) e o Programa de Interiorização do SUS (PISUS). Essa análise é complementada com um estudo de caso sobre a experiência recente no campo da política pública em saúde destinada a minimizar a má distribuição de médicos no território nacional: o Programa de Interiorização do Trabalho em Saúde (PITS), implementado pelo Ministério da Saúde em 2001. Sua condição de estratégia inédita na política de recursos humanos em saúde em nosso país permitiu identificar aspectos relevantes para qualquer iniciativa que pretenda fortalecer a distribuição de profissionais de saúde, para além dos grandes centros urbanos. Por fim, o estudo oferece um referencial de análise para a distribuição e a fixação de médicos, construído a partir dos elementos contemplados na revisão da literatura, na discussão teórica, no aporte das experiências nacionais e internacionais e nos resultados obtidos no estudo de caso.

Os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático

Há um crescente interesse da comunidade epistêmica de internacionalistas sobre a posição da política externa brasileira em diversos temas, particularmente sobre o modo pelo qual o Brasil atua nas operações de paz promovidas pelas Nações Unidas. Desse modo, este trabalho pretende refletir criticamente sobre a existência de um modelo histórico e legítimo que orienta a participação brasileira nessas operações de paz e avaliar de que forma esse modelo brasileiro foi ou poderia ser instrumentalizado pelos formuladores de política externa, para construir um discurso de legitimidade a fim de conquistar seus pleitos diplomáticos.O objeto de pesquisa analisado nesta dissertação é, portanto, o modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz nas quais o Brasil efetivamente enviou tropas: Suez (1957-1967), Angola (1989-1999), Moçambique (1993-1994), Timor Leste (1999-2002) e Haiti (2004-2012). Esse modelo formulado está apoiado em seis características principais, os 6 Ps do modelo brasileiro de participação em operações de paz: pioneiro, principista, pessoal, político, polêmico e pragmático.

Serviço social e consultoria empresarial: uma possibilidade de intervenção crítica?

Esta tese consiste no estudo e sistematização dos resultados da pesquisa desenvolvida no curso de doutorado da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, acerca da nova alocação, externa aos quadros de trabalhadores das instituições, através de empresas que intermediam esses serviços, denominadas de consultoria, por assistentes sociais, entre outros da área de recursos humanos, para prestação de serviços. Esta denominação é criticada, por diferir do sentido original desta atividade, uma vez que a concepção de consultoria adotada na tese supõe que esta competência tem o objetivo de qualificação do trabalho a ser desempenhado. Compreende um nível de profissional com maior conhecimento especializado, possibilitando formular análises, pareceres, planos e proposições sobre situações de trabalho. No caso do projeto profissional hegemônico do Serviço Social, o seu trabalho deve ser orientado com vistas à ampliação dos direitos dos trabalhadores. O que as empresas tem chamado de consultoria, na realidade tem se configurado principalmente como expressão do trabalho precário terceirizado e as vezes informal, com incidências nas formas de contratação do Serviço Social e no desenvolvimento do seu trabalho. O objetivo central desta tese consiste em verificar os caminhos que essa profissão vem trilhando por meio das denominadas consultorias e identificar se estes apontam para a consolidação do projeto ético-político profissional pela categoria ou se eles estão contribuindo para afastá-lo desse projeto, diante das condições de trabalho e de outros elementos no espaço sócio-ocupacional da chamada consultoria empresarial. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que, com a substituição de profissionais contratados por outros subcontratados, terceirizados ou quarteirizados, como vem ocorrendo nas empresas pesquisadas, a prestação dos seus serviços tende a sofrer um retrocesso diante dos avanços alcançados pela profissão.

Trójpłaszczyznowa Szachownica. Segmentacja „Wielkiej Polityki” w rozważaniach Josepha Nye’a

Autor książki: Wielka szachownica. Cele polityki amerykańskiej (Warszawa 1998) postrzega stosunki wzajemne pośród uczestników areny międzynarodowej jako wielką szachownicę, na której toczy się pomiędzy nimi „Wielka Polityka” (gra). Sytuacja światowa rozgrywa się, według niego, na jednej szachownicy (arenie międzynarodowej), a uczestnicy „gry” zajmują pozycje pionków. Jest to, więc swoista partia szachów, gdzie silniejszy zdobywa prestiż, pieniądze i władzę, natomiast słabszy przegrywa wszystko, osiągając marginalne znaczenie na globalnej szachownicy. Z kolei J. Nye eksponuje trzy płaszczyzny tej samej szachownicy, a mianowicie: potęgę militarną, gospodarczą oraz „miękkie środki oddziaływania politycznego”, wokół których toczy się polityka międzynarodowa. Jego trylogia poświęcona postrzeganiu potęgi państw powinna być lekturą obowiązkową, skierowaną przede wszystkim do polityków i mężów stanu, z przesłaniem, aby wskazane przez autora czynniki siły stosowali w praktyce, co pomoże im lepiej władać państwem. Jest to także książka przeznaczona dla wszystkich zainteresowanych polityką i jej zagadnieniami związanymi z percepcją potęgi. W niniejszej rozprawie naukowej skoncentrowałam się na trzech najważniejszych książkach J. Nye’a, stanowiących analizę atrybutów potęgi i wyjaśniających jej znaczenie. Są to: Bound to Lead. The Changing Nature of American Power (New York 1991), The Paradox of American Power. Why the World’s Only Superpower Can’t Go It Alone (Oxford 2002) oraz Soft Power. The Means to Success in World Politics (New York 2004; wyd. polskie: Soft Power. Jak osiągnąć sukces w polityce światowej, Warszawa 2007). Stanowią one podstawę do zrozumienia percepcji pojęcia potęgi Stanów Zjednoczonych. Choć autora zajmują także kwestie innych państw, to jednak właśnie mocarstwowość USA jako najpotężniejszego kraju na świecie, posiadającego wszelkie czynniki wzmacniające jego potęgę (władzę), stanowi podstawę rozważań J. Nye’a.

Koncepcja imperium w neokonserwatywnej myśli politycznej w okresie prezydentury George’a W. Busha

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa: Zakład Stosunków Międzynarodowych

Kształtowanie systemu politycznego Kazachstanu w latach 1991-2000. Kontekst historyczno-kulturowy

Wydział Historyczny

Debating Darwin at the Cape

This paper focuses attention on the fortunes of Darwin's theory among the English-speaking community in Cape Colony during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The paper begins with a review of early encounters with Darwin dwelling particularly on the response of figures like Roderick Noble - professor and editor of the Cape Monthly Magazine, the geologist John Shaw, and Sir Henry Barkly, governor of the colony. Besides these more theoretical responses, Darwin's ideas were also mobilised in a range of scientific inquiries on such subjects as birds and butterflies. But most conspicuous was the use of evolutionary thought-forms in the work of the eminent philologist Wilhelm Bleek, cousin of Darwin's leading German apologist, Ernst Haeckel. The prevailing sense is of a liberal intelligentsia calmly interacting with a novel theory with all due deference. During the 1870s, an address by Langham Dale at the South African Public Library injected new energy into the Darwin discussion. Dale expressed disquiet over some of the anthropological implications of evolution as well as its apparent reductionism, and this stimulated a range of reactions. Several anonymous commentators responded but the most sustained evaluation of Dale's position emanated from the Queenstown physician and later politician, Sir William Bisset Berry. Then, in 1874, copious extracts from John Tyndall's infamous 'Belfast Address' were printed in the Cape Monthly and this added yet further impetus to the debate. Tyndall's seeming materialism bothered a number of readers, not least Hon William Porter, former attorney-general of Cape Colony. To figures like these the materialist extrapolations of radical Darwinians such as Haeckel were deeply disturbing, not just for religious reasons, but because they seemed to destabilise the moral and pedagogic progressivism that lay at the heart of their civilising credo. While reservations about Darwin's proposals were certainly audible, taken in the round Darwinian conversations among the English-speaking literati at the Cape were conducted with liberal sentiments, not least when evolutionary science approached questions of race. For Darwin's writings were seen to confirm a monogenetic account of the origin and unity of the human race, and could readily be called upon to justify the paternalistic ideology that governed colonial affairs.

Dublin 1916: theatre of revolt

At Easter 1916, Dublin city centre was one of a series of sites throughout Ireland where a rebellion was staged against British rule. It was a strategic failure, swiftly crushed by superior British forces. The event, however, subsequently took a central role in the mythology of modern Ireland.

The first visual representations were of the conflict’s aftermath: photographic journeys through landscapes of ruin. From the distance of the camera, we see none of the pockmarks of shell bursts, nor the etchings of machine guns. Instead, traces of life in the city seem to have been swept aside by an unseen hand: the passing of millennia or a violent action of nature. Architecture alone has witnessed and recorded its presence. Amongst the fragments, the shell of the General Post Office (G.P.O.) in Sackville Street is one of the few buildings still wholly recognizable. The remnants of its classical form, portico and pediment, columns and entablature seem to transcend its prosaic modern functions and allude to something more ancient. The bewilderment of city’s inhabitants is also recorded. Dubliners have become inquisitive tourists in streets which hitherto were the locus of everyday life. They wander around aimlessly in a landscape as alien and picturesque as Pompeii. This shift in perception was captured by the Irish poet W.B. Yeats who hinted that Dublin, purged of modern commercialism had transcended its petty inadequacies to revive a slumbering heroic past.

‘I have met them at the close of day
Coming with vivid faces
From counter or desk among grey
Eighteenth-century houses [.]’
All is changed, changed utterly:
A terrible beauty is born.’

His comments were prescient. Initially unpopular, the republican leaders, executed by the British, slowly became recast as heroic martyrs. Similarly, the spaces where their heroism was forged became venerated. The G.P.O. and Sackville Street, however, already had a republican history. It was originally conceived in the eighteenth century as part of a series of magnificent urban spaces to provide an arena of spectacle and self-celebration for the colonial Anglo-Irish and their vision of a Protestant republic. O’Connell/Sackville Street became the temporal, geographical and mythical hinge upon which two different versions of Irish republicanism waxed and waned. Its recasting after independence as a space of Catholic Nationalism bore testimony to its consistency in providing a backdrop for the production of ritual and myth. In the 1920s and 30s, as the nascent country, beset with economic stagnation and political tensions, turned to spectacle as a salve for it social problems, O’Connell Street and the G.P.O. provided its most sacred sites. Within the introduction of new myths, however, individual as well as national identities were created and consolidated. The emerging identity of modern Ireland became inextricably linked with that of one ambitious politician. His uses of the G.P.O. in particular revealed a perceptive understanding of the political uses of classical architecture and urban space.

Bernard Mandeville and the doctrine of laissez-faire

The view of Mandeville as a pioneer of laissez-faire is difficultto reconcile with his repeated insistence that private vices were turnedinto public benefits by the ‘dexterous management of the skilfulpolitician’. Even if references to the skilful politician are regarded asshorthand for a legal and institutional framework, there remains thequestion of whether such a framework is a spontaneous order or theproduct of purposeful experiment as Mandeville thought? Mandevillewarned about the harmful effects of meddling but his complaint wasabout the actions of fashionable do-gooders rather than government. Heunderstood that the voluntariness of a transaction could be regarded asa defence against complaints of unfairness but he was quick to pointout the limitations of voluntariness especially in the market for labour.Mandeville’s objective was to teach people what they are not what theyshould be. He pointed to the strengths of the emerging market systembut was not afraid to expose its faults.

Pope as media star: a long career full of reinvention

On the whole, a man who is elected as Pope is well on in years. Some, despite this, have managed to reign for a long time, Leo XIII for instance who came to the throne when he was already seventy in 1878, reigned for twenty five years. Wojtyla was elected when he was only fifty eight, in 1978. In the last century or so, the papacy has become visible worldwide through the mass media. On his accession, Wojtyla was presented as a man's man, a sportsman - according to Professor Eamon Duffy of Cambridge University - as a Bishop with balls. Like other media stars who have stayed the test of time, e.g. Madonna, David Bowie, it seems that he has been able to reinvent his media image to some extent; from the active sportsman to the benevolent grandfather to the ailing figure we see today. He has taken on the aspect of a media star, a world traveller, a spiritual leader, a politician, a mediator and a peace leader. He has been described as the most-photographed person on the planet. This paper will attempt to trace these changes and to ascertain, using Vatican and media sources to discover how much of this continual change is driven by the personality of John Paul himself and how much is a deliberate policy on the part of the Vatican.

The Welland Canals Foundation, Honourable William Hamilton Merritt and the St. Catharines Historical Society and Museum, 1971-1990, n.d.

‘The Father of Canadian Transportation’ is a term commonly associated with William Hamilton Merritt. Although he is most known for being one of the driving forces behind the building of the first Welland Canal, he was many things throughout his life; a soldier, merchant, promoter, entrepreneur and politician to name a few. Born on July 3, 1793 at Bedford, Westchester County, N.Y. to Thomas Merritt and Mary Hamilton, Merritt’s family relocated to Canada shortly after in 1796. The move came after Merritt’s father petitioned John Graves Simcoe for land in Upper Canada after serving under him in the Queen’s Rangers during the American Revolution. The family quickly settled into their life at Twelve Mile Creek in St. Catharines. Merritt’s father became sheriff of Lincoln County in 1803 while Merritt began his education in mathematics and surveying. After some brief travel and further education Merritt returned to Lincoln County, in 1809 to help farm his father’s land and open a general store. While a farmer and merchant, Merritt turned his attention to military endeavours. A short time after being commissioned as a Lieutenant in the Lincoln militia, the War of 1812 broke out. Fulfilling his duty, Merritt fought in the Battle of Queenston Heights in October of 1812, and numerous small battles until the Battle of Lundy’s Lane in July 1814. It was here that Merritt was captured and held in Cheshire, Massachusetts until the war ended. Arriving back in the St. Catharines area upon his release, Merritt returned to being a merchant, as well as becoming a surveyor and mill owner. Some historians hypothesize that the need to draw water to his mill was how the idea of the Welland Canals was born. Beginning with a plan to connect the Welland River with the Twelve mile creek quickly developed into a connection between the Lakes Erie and Ontario. Its main purpose was to improve the St. Lawrence transportation system and provide a convenient way to transport goods without having to go through the Niagara Falls portage. The plan was set in motion in 1818, but most living in Queenston and Niagara were not happy with it as it would drive business away from them. Along with the opposition came financial and political restraints. Despite these factors Merritt pushed on and the Welland Canal Company was chartered by the Upper Canadian Assembly on January 19, 1824. The first sod was turned on November 30, 1824 almost a year after the initial chartering. Many difficulties arose during the building of the canal including financial, physical, and geographic restrictions. Despite the difficulties two schooners passed through the canal on November 30, 1829. Throughout the next four years continual work was done on the canal as it expended and was modified to better accommodate large ships. After his canal was underway Merritt took a more active role in the political arena, where he served in various positions throughout Upper Canada. In 1851, Merritt withdrew from the Executive Council for numerous reasons, one of which being that pubic interest had diverted from the canals to railways. Merritt tried his hand at other public works outside transportation and trade. He looked into building a lunatic asylum, worked on behalf of War of 1812 veterans, aided in building Brock’s monument, established schools, aided refugee slaves from the U.S. and tried to establish a National Archives among many other feats. He was described by some as having “policy too liberal – conceptions too vast – views too comprehensive to be comprehensible by all”, but he still made a great difference in the society in which he lived. After his great contributions, Merritt died aboard a ship in the Cornwall canal on July 5, 1862. Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online http://www.biographi.ca/EN/ShowBio.asp?BioId=38719 retrieved October 2006 Today numerous groups carry on the legacy of Merritt and the canals both in the past and present. One such group is the Welland Canals Foundation. They describe themselves as: “. . . a volunteer organization which strives to promote the importance of the present and past Welland Canals, and to preserve their history and heritage. The Foundation began in 1980 and carries on events like William Hamilton Merritt Day. The group has strongly supported the Welland Canals Parkway initiative and numerous other activities”. The Welland Canals Foundation does not work alone. They have help from other local groups such as the St. Catharines Historical Society. The Society’s main objective is to increase knowledge and appreciation of the historical aspects of St. Catharines and vicinity, such as the Welland Canals. http://www.niagara.com/~dmdorey/hssc/dec2000.html - retrieved Oct. 2006 http://www.niagara.com/~dmdorey/hssc/feb2000.html - retrieved Oct. 2006

Letters to Secretary General Drummond from Thomas Scott, July 1814

Thomas Scott (1746-1824) was a politician and judge originally from Scotland. He came to Canada in 1800 after accepting the appointment of Attorney General of Upper Canada, and in 1806 was promoted to Chief Justice of Upper Canada. The declaration of war in 1812 brought into question the loyalty of the colony’s population, who were largely born in America. As concerns over allegiance intensified, the government sought out traitors in an attempt to make an example of them and deter others. The subsequent trials of citizens accused of treason resulted in 15 convictions, including Jacob Overholser. These trials were intended to assert the authority of the state, but also to demonstrate clemency. Only 8 of the convicts were executed, with the rest being banished from the colony. Scott supported these measures, although they were largely initiated by Attorney General John Beverly Robinson. Thomas Scott retired in 1816 and died in 1824.

H.A.S. Dearborn letter, May 29, 1812

H.A.S. (Henry Alexander Scammell) Dearborn (1783-1851) was the son of Henry Dearborn, the American politician and veteran of the Revolutionary War and War of 1812. In the War of 1812, H.A.S Dearborn served as Brigadier General of the volunteer forces, responsible for the defence of Boston Harbour. From 1812-1829 he was collector of customs in Boston, from 1831-1833 he served as a representative from Massachusetts in the United States Congress, was adjutant general of Massachusetts from 1834-1843 and mayor of Roxbury from 1847-1851. Letter transcription: Dear Sir, My success in the line of recruiting has exceeded my most sanguine expectations. I have enlisted 24 1st Lt. 30—my 2nd Lt. 13, and my Ensign 9—Total 76. All very [ablebodied] men. In all probability my company will be full before the last day of June. I shall be in Boston on the 10th of June. I have not yet had the pleasure to hear of the arrival of your father at Boston. Please to offer my respects to your family, and to all my friends in the [office]. In haste, Yours, A.M. Clary.

John Miller letter, December 1, 1812.

John Miller (1774-1862) was a physician and politician who served in the United States Congress as a representative from New York from 1825-1827. He began his medical practice in Washington County, N.Y. in 1798. In 1801 he moved to Fabius, Onondaga County, N.Y. (now Truxton, Cortland County). He served as postmaster at Truxton from 1805-1825, a justice of the peace from 1812-1821 and in the State Assembly in 1817, 1820 and 1845. Archibald McIntire [McIntyre] (1772-1858) was a businessman and politician. He immigrated to the United States with his family and settled in New York City around 1773. He was a member of the New York State Assembly from 1798-1821 (intermittently), in the New York State Senate form 1822-1826 and was New York State Comptroller from 1806-1821.