Discovering urban citizenship in the surveillance society

Cities and urban spaces around the world are changing rapidly from their origins in the industrialising world to a post-industrial, hard wired landscape. A further embellishment is the advent of mobile media technologies supported by both existing and new communications and computing technology which claim to put the urban dweller at the heart of a new, informed and ‘liberated’ seat of participatory urban governance. This networked, sensor enabled society permits flows of information in a multitude of directions ostensibly empowering the citizenry through ‘smart’ installations such as ‘talking bus stops’ detailing services, delays, transport interconnections and even weather conditions along desired routes. However, while there is considerable potential for creative and transformative kinds of citizen participation, there is also the momentum for ‘function-creep’, whereby vast amounts of data are garnered in a broad application of urban surveillance. This kind of monitoring and capacity for surveillance connects with attempts by civic authorities to regulate, restrict, rebrand and reframe urban public spaces into governable and predictable arenas of consumption. This article considers questions around the possibilities for retaining and revitalising forms of urban citizenship, set in the context of Marshall’s original premise of civil, social and political citizenship(s) in the middle of the last century, following World War Two and the coming of the modern welfare state.

Tietämisen politiikka : Kokemuksellinen tieto kunnan hallinnassa

The present study examines citizen participation in local government and municipal democracy. Previous research has shown that the prerequisite for active citizenship lies in the opportunities available for local residents to determine which perspectives and planning needs are relevant. This research looks at whether the conception of knowledge employed in municipal planning allows for this kind of active role for local citizens. Methodologically the study employs an hermeneutic approach. The aim has been to identify various approaches steering the practice of municipal democracy. The theory behind the study comes from the assumption of the intersubjectivity of reality. Construing the rationality of one s own behaviour is seen as a prerequisite for meaningful action. In this context, criteria for the functionality of municipal democracy and the purpose of strengthening citizen participation are defined. The study is divided into two parts. Firstly, the purpose of participation and the opportunities for local residents to contribute is examined theoretically with reference to previous studies. The intention is to provide an overview of the Finnish cross-disciplinary debate on resident participation. This debate is reflected onto the prevailing views on changes in the municipal operating environment and modes of operation. In conclusion, a theoretical model is constructed to explain how the various modes of operation in regional municipalities affect the purpose of resident participation and the utilisation of information received through this participation. The second part of the study discusses the utilisation of this information and knowledge acquired through the participation of local residents and all those involved in political and administrative processes in municipalities. These first-hand reports are analysed using the model constructed earlier in the study. The goal is to understand how political and administrative practice affects opportunities for local residents to participate and contribute. The core of this analysis is based on the pragmatic conception of knowledge employed in municipal administration. The study argues that the normal practice of municipal administration does not support the systematic utilisation of local residents experience. This is caused by two interlinked factors: firstly, knowledge constructed through these practices requires that the knowledge is apolitical; secondly, arising from this there is confusion with regard to when during a planning process does information obtained from the public become relevant; in other words, what are the politics of knowledge? The study suggests that the solution is in the complementary concept of knowledge, which implicitly acknowledges the politics of knowledge. The complementary concept of knowledge would serve the politicisation of issues on the level of interpretations linked with social reality, an indispensable requirement for functional democracy. Keywords: participation, municipal democracy, knowledge base for planning, experiential knowledge

Social Responsibility in Developing New Biotechnology : Interpretations of Responsibility in the Governance of Finnish Biotechnology

The object of the dissertation is to analyse the concept of social responsibility in relation to research and development of new biotechnology. This is done by examining the relevant actors – researchers, administrators, decision-makers, experts, industry, and the public – involved in the Finnish governance of biotechnology through their roles and responsibilities. Existing practises of responsibility in biotechnology governance, as well as the discourses of responsibility – the actors’ conceptions of their own and others responsibilities – are analysed. Three types of responsibility that the actors have assumed are formulated, and the implications of these conceptions to the governance of new biotechnology are analysed. From these different types of responsibility adopted and used by the actors, theoretical models called responsibility chains are constructed. The notion of responsibility is under-theorised in sociology and this research is an attempt to create a mid-range theory of responsibility in the context of biotechnology governance. The research aims to increase understanding of the governance system from a holistic viewpoint by contributing to academic debates on science and technology policy, public understanding of science, commercialisation of research, and corporate social responsibility. With a thorough analysis of the concept of responsibility that is derived from empirical data, the research brings new perspectives into these debates by challenging many normative ideas embedded in discourses. For example, multiple roles of the public are analysed to highlight the problems of consumerism and citizen participation in practise, as well as in relation to different policy strategies. The research examines also the contradictory responsibilities faced by biotechnology researchers, who balance between academic autonomy, commercialisation of research, and reflecting social consequences of their work. Industries responsibilities are also examined from the viewpoint of biotechnology. The research methodology addresses the contradictions between empirical findings, theories of biotechnology governance, and policies in a novel way, as the study concentrates on several actors and investigates both the discourses and the practises of the actors. Thus, the qualitative method of analysis is a combination of discourse and content analysis. The empirical material is comprised of 29 personal interviews as well as documents by Finnish and multinational organizations on biotechnology governance.

Educación y democracia

Resumen: Actualmente hay cierto consenso en la preferencia de la democracia sobre otros sistemas de gobierno; sin embargo, a la hora de cuestionarnos sobre su fundamento filosófico el consenso es más difícil de lograr. En la democracia se valora la participación activa de los ciudadanos y su derecho a una opinión libre, por lo cual algunos planteos consideran que el sistema democrático es incompatible con la defensa de verdades y valores absolutos. Ejemplo de ello es el planteo de Kelsen, quien sostiene que la democracia solo puede fundamentarse sobre una filosofía relativista. Sin embargo, posiciones como estas tropiezan con dificultades y contradicciones de orden lógico, gnoseológico, metafísico, antropológico, psicológico, ético y social. Acarrean consecuencias negativas también en el ámbito educativo. Para responder a estos planteos proponemos volver sobre algunas enseñanzas de Sócrates y repensar la relación entre democracia y educación, verdad y libertad.

Mídia, parlamento e violência : uma análise da CPI dos grupos de extermínio no Nordeste

Analisa a relação entre parlamento, mídia e sociedade na construção de uma democracia forte. Há dois elementos fundamentais para que uma sociedade estabeleça um Estado Democrático: a confiança e a participação cidadã. Parece paradoxal que em uma estrutura em que o voto é direto, haja problemas de confiança entre o Legislativo e os cidadãos. Focando a atuação da CPI dos Grupos de Extermínio no Nordeste, que tratou de um tema federal - a proteção dos direitos humanos em um cenário regional: o nordeste brasileiro, o estudo propõe uma reflexão sobre o papel do deputado no fortalecimento do elo entre a instituição Câmara Federal e o cidadão. A partir da análise feita nos jornais impressos de Pernambuco, indaga o papel da mídia no fechamento da conexão eleitoral, contribuindo ainda para a prestação de contas entre deputados e cidadãos. Pretende, ainda, verificar como se dá o relacionamento da mídia com os representantes populares.

A desjudicialização da política e a desconstitucionalização do STF

Por mais de uma década, discutiu-se nas ciências sociais comparadas a efetiva influência da atuação do Poder Judiciário na participação democrática dos cidadãos nas decisões e na conformação das políticas públicas. A esse fenômeno, que se denominou "judicialização da política", atribui-se toda a operacionalidade de uma constituição democrática, cidadã, aberta, capaz de concretizar os anseios de liberdade, às vezes apenas condizentes com valores de um liberalismo conservador. Nossa tese procura, com ajuda de pesquisa empírica, demonstrar a persistente influência dos ranços tradicionalistas de uma classe que, ao longo da curta vida emancipada de nosso país, construiu e permeou, com sua visão de mundo, as instituições políticas nacionais. A atuação corporativa e institucionalizada dessa classe de juristas adaptou-se bem às exigências da ampliação infraestrutural do Estado moderno e burocrático, em virtude de seu legado autoritário, e logrou restringir o alcance das liberdades e direitos civis de um Estado recém democratizado, apesar do discurso apologético às instituições da democracia participativa. É nesse contexto que tentamos narrar a evolução contínua e silenciosa da dejudicialização da política democrática de massas e a politização gradual da corporação dos juristas, que carregaram consigo as expectativas de ampliação da cidadania constitucional.

Nova sociabilidade do capital e a natureza das políticas para jovens trabalhadores no governo Lula: uma análise da participação cidadã do ProJovem Urbano

Fruto das mudanças realizadas no Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens ProJovem, criado em 2005, o ProJovem Urbano é o programa do governo federal destinado a proporcionar o aumento da escolaridade, qualificação profissional inicial e a participação cidadã de jovens de 18 a 29 anos, prioritariamente aqueles que se encontram em maior estado de vulnerabilidade social. Entendendo-o de forma integrada às políticas de alívio à pobreza e à política novo desenvolvimentista implementadas durante o governo Lula, o presente estudo analisou os nexos existentes entre o ProJovem Urbano e a educação para o desenvolvimento sustentável do novo milênio proposta na Política de Desenvolvimento do Milênio e nas orientações dos organismos internacionais, na qual a educação adquire um novo papel: produzir não só capital humano, mas também capital social. A pesquisa centrou-se em uma das dimensões curriculares do programa denominada participação cidadã, que tem entre suas atividades o Plano de Ação Comunitária (PLA) - ação social a ser planejada e executada pelos jovens no intuito de levá-los a resolução de alguns problemas locais. A partir da pesquisa empírica realizada nas cidades de Palmas, São Vicente e Guarujá, nosso objetivo foi identificar o sentido dado à participação e as contradições que essas experiências podem suscitar. Se elas contribuem para ação dos jovens no sentido oposto ao associativismo colaboracionista aos interesses do capital e para a constituição de comportamentos políticos capazes de (re)fortalecer os movimentos sociais progressistas organizados. Com base no método do materialismo histórico e dialético, concluímos que a dimensão ético-político do programa constitui em formar os jovens para a nova sociabilidade capitalista; tanto no plano econômico, ao educar para os valores do novo desenvolvimentismo centrado no consumo, quanto no plano político, por meio do consentimento passivo/ativo aos ajustes executados pelos intelectuais orgânicos do capital na virada do milênio, com a finalidade de abrandar os efeitos da ortodoxia neoliberal. Que não cabe a programas como o ProJovem Urbano a formação da cultura política participativa que venha contribuir para o (re)fortalecimento dos movimentos sociais. E que, apesar das ações comunitárias serem conduzidas pela perspectiva do capital social, na prática, esta ideologia também não é tão facilmente permeável aos jovens participantes do programa das cidades investigadas, frente às suas precárias condições de existência e reprodução da vida, o que faz com que o programa permaneça fortemente em disputa para ser redirecionado ou superado

A participação do cidadão na formação da tributação brasileira e a busca por espaços de consenso

O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de discutir os fundamentos que possibilitam um novo relacionamento entre Estado e Cidadão em torno da tributação, superando um ambiente de litigiosidade necessária. Para tanto, em uma perspectiva instrumental, se vale da democracia participativa e deliberativa para fundamentar maior participação do cidadão em torno da tributação e criação e reinvenção de novos espaços em que se possa realizar um diálogo entre ambos, antes de se procurar uma via litigiosa. O trabalho se vale, também, da descrição de fenômenos da realidade que possibilitam o relacionamento baseado na cooperação. Finaliza por reconhecer que a participação do cidadão na tributação ainda é incipiente, embora já dê sinais de seu surgimento.

Places making: participatory construction of scientifi c culture cities

In the framework of the European project Platform of Local Authorities and Communicators Engaged in Science (PLACES), we analyse the articulations between scientifi c communication, public perception of science, processes of citizen participation and apropiation of space, based on a case study of the inhabitants of Teruel city, Autonomous Community of Aragon, Spain. On the interrelationships between these issues, there are a number of contradictions, such as the difference between a high interest for information about science and technology and a low level of recognition and interaction with local institutions involved in those activities, the complex conceptualization of scientifi c space in relation to the “public-private” pair, or an articulation of a claiming civic rethoric and an insuffi cient co-responsibility. We conclude that, in a local context, the dimension of territoriality and, in particular, the identifi cation with the town, is a central mediation for activating citizen participation as part of processes of appropriation of space for setting up cities of scientifi c culture.

On the road from consultation cynicism to energising e-consultation

A major concern in recent political discourse is that government has become both isolated from and unresponsive to its citizens. Democracy, by definition, demands a two-way flow of communication between government and civil society and it is now commonly argued that ICTs have the potential to facilitate such improved flows of communication--hence, e-democracy and e-consultation. The preliminary research findings presented here are part of a larger ongoing research project on e-consultation on the island of Ireland (see http://e-consultation.org). The paper initially draws on focus group discussions on the theme of (e)consultation conducted amongst activist citizens. High levels of frustration, scepticism and cynicism were expressed on the form, nature and process of extant consultation processes. The main focus addressed in this paper, however, is on how these citizens envisage ICT being used in future e-consultations. In general, most focus group participants were open to the use of ICT in future e-consultation processes but the consensus was that community groups did not currently have access to an appropriate level or range of infrastructure, technologies or skills. As a follow up to the focus group findings the research group ran a number of demonstrations on e-consultation technologies with invited activist citizens. Technologies introduced included chat room, video-conferencing, WikiPedia, WebIQ, Zing and others. The main preliminary findings and feedback from one such demonstration, and our own observations, are then presented which suggest that the potential does exist for using e-consultation technologies in local democracy and in local government to drive positive change in the government-citizen relationship. We present no na�¯ve solutions here; we merely point to some possibilities and we acknowledge that ICT alone is very unlikely to be a panacea for the declining levels of citizen participation in most democratic societies.

A delphy study of the cooperativisation of the social services in the historical territory of Gipuzkoa

This article shows the main results obtained from the Delphi study, which was made of politicians and technicians from the Department of Social Policy in the County Council of Gipuzkoa, concerning the possibility of cooperativizing the provision of social services in this historical territory. With this in mind, the structure of this article is in two different parts. The first part develops the theoretical framework which serves as inspiration for the empirical work, where note is made of the main theoretical proposals that have a bearing on the collective dimension of citizen participation in the management of public services. Among the various models, those which prioritise public participation through social and solidarity economy entities stand out. The second part concerns itself with the presentation of the field research results. To this end, the methodological notes concerning the preparation process for the Delphi analysis are presented first and this is immediately followed by a synthesis of the main results obtained in this study. The article ends with a section of conclusions and future lines of action.

Agricultura urbana, condición para el desarrollo sostenible y la mejora del paisaje

Este artículo resulta de investigaciones en torno al “enverdecimiento” de las ciudades y las oportunidades de la agricultura urbana para la alimentación de una población en constante aumento que no trabaja la tierra. También es fruto de actividades de mejora de ambientes urbanos realizadas con la Escuela de Ingenieros Agrónomos de la Universidad Politécnica de Madrid. A través de casos de agricultura urbana, entendiendo por ella el conjunto de prácticas para la producción de alimentos y plantas ornamentales dentro de las ciudades y en sus entornos, se analizan alternativas para la recuperación de espacios construidos e incremento de la calidad de vida de la población. Todo ello se traduce, además, en creación de riqueza y mejora del paisaje urbano, siempre desde criterios de sostenibilidad que favorecen el desarrollo local desde la Cumbre de la Tierra de Río de 1992 y la Conferencia sobre Desarrollo Sostenible Río+20 de 2013.

The EU’s Biopolitical Governance of Advanced Therapy Medicinal Products

This paper focuses on the specific example of the newly operational Regulation on Advanced Therapy Medicinal Products to explore the potential for biopolitics, an arena in which biocitizens can demand and contest the exercise of EU power over life. The paper shows how the discourses producing, organizing and orchestrating citizen participation in the EU’s governance of advanced therapies from above figure a ‘deficit model’ of citizens in need of education inter alia through their membership of patients’ associations who have membership of the Committee on Advanced Therapies established by the Regulation. Biocitizens are shown to be incorporated to service the EU’s legitimacy needs. The paper then warns against assuming biocitizens’ (self-) reflexivity ensures they do not reiterate and reinforce their construction within the ‘deficit model’ by unwittingly deploying the terms of their subjection. After which the paper highlights some elements that provide a rhetorical and operational opening for participation, and which therefore can be used by biocitizens to reconstruct their engagement with EU governance from below, the wider governance of advanced therapies, as well as in their self-governance.

Travelling without moving? Limits of European governance for Romani inclusion

The European Union's commitment to citizen participation in policymaking and implementation reflects a wider concern for securing Europe's ‘unity in diversity’. However, across its member-states, individuals belonging to the diverse linguistic, ethnic and social groups often referred to as ‘Roma’ find themselves excluded from political, social and economic participation in countries where they live. The past decade saw the appearance of a more concerted approach to improve the participation of individuals belonging to these groups in social and economic processes. This article examines what it refers to as the European Governance for Romani inclusion (EGRI), assessing policy steps undertaken at the European institutional level towards Romani inclusion and the tools for policy implementation. The paper concludes that the EGRI has offered only limited opportunities for the marginalised Roma to redress their exclusion.

Challenging the SD benefits attributed to sport Mega-Events hosting

Sport Mega-event hosting faces opposition that is manifested with different intensity during the different phases of the event, from its inception as an idea to its delivery and legacy. Some Social Movements Organisations (SMOs) have acted as indefatigable monitors of the Sustainable Development (SD) dimension of sporting events in general and, in some of the most recent sport mega-events, in particular the Olympics, they have served as important advisors and facilitators. Nevertheless, in many cases we see enthusiastic supporters turning to vehemently challenging whatever positives have been associated with hosting the event. In addition, there is opposition to sport Mega-events in their entirety. That type of opposition tends to employ a holistic prism that manages to identify multiple interconnected negative aspects of hosting a sport mega-event and incorporate them into an anti-systemic discourse. It is important to bear in mind that irrespective of many proclamations to the opposite as far as megas are concerned (projects and/or events), a number of studies have demonstrated that citizen participation and democratic accountability in decision-making have been notoriously absent. After all, the idea of citizen participation in the planning of sport mega-event is essentially the public response to a plan conceived by others. There were, of course, some notable cases of democratic consultation at the early stages of bidding to host a sport mega-event but these more democratic approaches resulted in the failure of the bid (for e.g. Toronto 1996). The knowledge of this by the groups that initiated the hosting idea and the bidding process has led to discouraging in depth public consultation that may fit perfectly to the democratic process but not to the tight schedules of associated projects completion. That produces ‘autocracy against which opposition may arise’ (Hiller, 2000, p. 198). It is this democratic deficit that has led to important instances of social contestation and protest mobilizations by citizen groups as well as the more regular corps of social activists. From a perspective borrowed from the sociology of protest and social movements, sport mega-events hosting can operate as an issue that stimulates protest activities by an existing protest milieu and new actors as well as an important mobilizing resource. In fact, some scholars have also argued that the Olympic Games were an important frame for the transnational activism that was marked by anti-globalization protest in Seattle in 1999 (Cottrell & Nelson, 201; Lenskyj, 2008). In addition, it’s important not to lose sight of other acts dissent that take place in relatively close proximity, about a year before the event when most infrastructural and societal changes brought by hosting the event and impact start to become apparent by the host communities, like the rioting of August 2011 in the London Olympic Boroughs and the 2012 riots of June 2013 in Sao Paulo and other Brazilian cities. This paper starts by outlining the SD claims made in the bidding to host the summer Olympic Games by five prospective hosts (Sydney; Athens; Beijing; London and Rio) proceeds towards examining the opposition and challenges that was manifested in relation to these claims. In Particular it provides an assessment of protest-events over the aforementioned different phases of sport mega-events hosting. A different picture emerges for each of the host nation that is partly explained by local, national and global configuration of protest politics. Whereas the post-event legacy of the first two hosts of the Games can be assessed and that way see the validity of claims made by challengers in the other phases, in the other three cases, the implementation of Olympic Games Impact (OGI) studies offers the tool for discussing the post-event phase for Beijing and London and engage in a speculative exercise for the case of Rio. Judging by available findings, the paper concludes that the SD aspiration made in the bid documents are unlikely to be met and social contestation based on the same issues is likely to increase due to the current global economic crisis and BRICS, like China and Brazil, having entered the process of becoming global economic hegemons.