Educação e saúde: a formação dos Agente Comunitários de Saúde do município de Duque de Caxias - RJ

Esta dissertação tem como objeto a formação dos Agentes Comunitários de Saúde de Duque de Caxias. Com a aprovação da Lei Federal N 11.350 de 2002 que institui como um dos requisitos para o exercício da atividade haver concluído, com aproveitamento, curso introdutório de formação inicial e continuada, e com base no Referencial para Curso Técnico de Agente Comunitário de Saúde esta pesquisa tem a finalidade de analisar como se encontra a formação dos ACS de Duque de Caxias-RJ. Para tanto foram entrevistados 17 Agentes Comunitários de Saúde, representante da Secretaria Municipal de Saúde, representante do SINDSPREV-RJ Sindicato dos Trabalhadores em Saúde, Trabalho e Previdência Social no Estado do Rio de Janeiro, representante do MUB Federação Municipal de Associações de Moradores e representante dos Conselhos Municipal e Estadual de Saúde. Desta forma, pretende-se através da análise dos diversos segmentos envolvidos no processo de construção da saúde no município perceber como é realizada a formação dos ACS e de que forma esta formação colabora (ou não) para a implementação plena da Estratégia da Saúde no referido município. Como resultado chegou-se a conclusão que a Lei foi cumprida parcialmente, pois em 2007 a Secretaria Municipal de Saúde disponibilizou a formação inicial em um curso de 400 horas finaciado pelo governo federal, porém depois desta data a referida secretaria não deu continuidade a formação técnica e adotou a capacitação com fim em si mesma e com caráter de treinamento para combater agravos e doenças. Através da análise da fala dos movimentos e instituições sociais, percebe-se que o fato da maioria dos ACS serem nomeados por indicação política e através de contratos de trabalho frágeis e a ausência de uma formação sólida e consistente estes trabalhadores não se organizam e assim deixam de lutar por direitos e melhores condições de trabalho.

"Not Without My Ancestors": A Christological Case Study of the Shona Ancestor Cult of Zimbabwe

The issue of ancestors has been controversial since the first encounters of Christianity with Shona religion. It remains a major theological problem that needs to be addressed within the mainline churches of Zimbabwe today. Instead of ignoring or dismissing the ancestor cult, which deeply influences the socio-political, religious, and economic lives of the Shona, churches in Zimbabwe should initiate a Christology that is based on it. Such a Christology would engage the critical day-to-day issues that make the Shona turn to their ancestors. Among these concerns are daily protection from misfortune, maintaining good health and increasing longevity, successful rainy seasons and food security, and responsible governance characterized by economic and political stability. Since the mid-16th century arrival of Jesuit missionaries in the Mutapa Kingdom, the Church has realized that many African Christians resorted to their ancestors in times of crisis. Although both Catholic and Protestant missionaries from the 1700s through the early 1900s fiercely attacked Shona traditional beliefs as superstitious and equated ancestors with evil spirits, the cult did not die. Social institutions, such as schools and hospitals provided by missionaries, failed to eliminate ancestral beliefs. Even in the 21st century, many Zimbabweans consult their ancestors. The Shona message to the church remains "Not without My Ancestors." This dissertation examines the significance of the ancestors to the Shona, and how selected denominations and new religious movements have interpreted and accommodated ancestral practices. Taking the missiological goal of "self-theologizing" as the framework, this dissertation proposes a "tripartite Christology" of "Jesus the Family Ancestor", "Jesus the Tribal Ancestor," and "Jesus the National Ancestor," which is based on the Shona "tripartite ancestrology." Familiar ecclesiological and liturgical language, idioms, and symbols are used to contribute to the wider Shona understanding of Jesus as the ancestor par excellence, in whom physical and spiritual needs-including those the ordinary ancestors fail to meet-are fulfilled.

The Challenges of Pluralism: Locating Religion in a World of Diversity

This is a postprint (author's final draft) version of an article published in the journal Social Compass in 2010. The final version of this article may be found at http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768610362406 (login may be required). The version made available in OpenBU was supplied by the author.

A normative approach to the criminalisation of cartel activity

Although cartel behaviour is almost universally (and rightly) condemned, it is not clear why cartel participants deserve the full wrath of the criminal law and its associated punishment. To fill this void, I develop a normative (or principled) justification for the criminalisation of conduct characteristic of ‘hard core’ cartels. The paper opens with a brief consideration of the rhetoric commonly used to denounce cartel activity, eg that it ‘steals from’ or ‘robs’ consumers. To put the discussion in context, a brief definition of ‘hard core’ cartel behaviour is provided and the harms associated with this activity are identified. These are: welfare losses in the form of appropriation (from consumer to producer) of consumer surplus, the creation of deadweight loss to the economy, the creation of productive inefficiency (hindering innovation of both products and processes), and the creation of so-called X-inefficiency. As not all activities which cause harm ought to be criminalised, a theory as to why certain harms in a liberal society can be criminalised is developed. It is based on JS Mill's harm to others principle (as refined by Feinberg) and on a choice of social institutions using Rawls's ‘veil of ignorance.’ The theory is centred on the value of individual choice in securing one's own well-being, with the market as an indispensable instrument for this. But as applied to the harm associated with cartel conduct, this theory shows that none of the earlier mentioned problems associated with this activity provide sufficient justification for criminalisation. However, as the harm from hard core cartel activity strikes at an important institution which permits an individual's ability to secure their own well-being in a liberal society, criminalisation of hard core cartel behaviour can have its normative justification on this basis.

Unveiling Fairness for the Consumer:The Law, Economics and Justice of Expanded Arbitration

In recent years, the US Supreme Court has rather controversially extended the ambit of the Federal Arbitration Act to extend arbitration’s reach into, inter alia¸ consumer matters, with the consequence that consumers are often (and unbeknownst to them) denied remedies which would otherwise be available. Such denied remedies include recourse to class action proceedings, effective denial of punitive damages, access to discovery and the ability to resolve the matter in a convenient forum.

The court’s extension of arbitration’s ambit is controversial. Attempts to overturn this extension have been made in Congress, but to no avail. In contrast to American law, European consumer law looks at pre-dispute agreements to arbitrate directed at consumers with extreme suspicion, and does so on the grounds of fairness. In contrast, some argue that pre-dispute agreements in consumer (and employment) matters are consumer welfare enhancing: they decrease the costs of doing business, which is then passed on to the consumer. This Article examines these latter claims from both an economic and normative perspective.

The economic analysis of these arguments shows that their assumptions do not hold. Rather than being productive of consumer surplus, the use of arbitration is likely to have the opposite effect. The industries from which the recent Supreme Court cases originated not only do not exhibit the industrial structure assumed by the proponents of expanded arbitration, but are also industries which exhibit features that facilitate consumer welfare reducing collusion.

The normative analysis addresses the fairness concerns. It is explicitly based upon John Rawls’ notion of “justice as fairness,” which can provide a lens to evaluate social institutions. This Rawlsian analysis considers the use of extended arbitration in consumer matters in the light of the earlier economic results. It suggests that the asymmetries present in the contractual allocation of rights serve as prima facie evidence that such arbitration–induced exclusions are prima facie unjust/unfair. However, as asymmetry is only a prima facie test, a generalized criticism of the arbitration exclusions (of the sort found in Congress and underlying the European regime) is overbroad.

Defrauding Daughters Turning Deviant Wives? Reading Female Agency in The Merchant of Venice

Brabantio’s words “Look to her, Moor, if thou hast eyes to see:| She has deceived her father, and may thee” ( Othello , 1.3.292–293) warn Othello about the changing nature of female lo yalty and women’s potential for deviancy. Closely examining d aughters caught in the conflict between anxious fathers and husbands-to- be, this article departs from such paranoid male fa ntasy and instead sets out to explore female deviancy in its legal and dramatic implications with reference to Shakespeare ’s The Merchant of Venice . I will argue that Portia’s and Jessica’s struggle to evade male subsidiarity results in their conscio us positioning themselves on the verge of illegality. Besides occa sioning productive exploration of marriage, law and justice within what Morss (2007:183) terms “the dynamics of human desir e and of social institutions,” I argue that female agency, s een as temporary deviancy and/or self-exclusion, reconfigures the ma le domain by affording the inclusion of previous outsiders (Anto nio, Bassanio and Lorenzo) .

A quarter century of creative chaos: Xinhua News Agency 1980-2005

Chinese media in the context of China's rise have puzzled many scholars who used to understand media and communications phenomena by employing the theories generated from a few affluent Western democracies, notably the US. As a result, a complex but more accurate picture has been ignored. Under numerous theoretical polarizations, the contemporary social world seems little changed but polarized. This thesis aims to propose a different approach endeavoring to 'de-Westernize' or 'internationalize' media and communications studies. As a starting point, this study focuses on the globalization debate, Chinese media and news agency studies. The thesis has investigated the Chinese news agency, Xinhua, by employing Fuzzy Logic which captures the complexity of the change in the agency's business structure and journalistic practices over last 25 years. The change is also examined by scrutinizing the role of journalists in the interrelations of Xinhua with its news sources, media and nonmedia clients, and other news agencies. A combination of archive study and 94 semistructured interviews conducted in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Hong Kong, Macau and London provides an inclusive account of the Chinese news institution. The key research findings drawn from the empirical research into Xinhua have justified the central argument of this thesis: Crisp Logic or the 'either/or' approach has failed to explain the dynamics of the change to the media system based in a 'non-Western' society. The numerous theoretical polarizations generated by Crisp Logic to a large extent have distorted the understanding of the contemporary social world by polarizing it. Fuzzy Logic serves better(though it is not the only choice)than the traditional approach to reflect on the set of variables existing between the two poles created by Crisp Logic. This thesis is the first doctorate research in the UK and other English-speaking countries to investigate Xinhua by 'going inside' the news institution's headquarters, local branches and overseas bureaus. This is the first comprehensive academic study of the agency, which not only examines the agency's recent change in business structure and journalistic practices, but also provides a historical account of the agency and its relationship with other social institutions. This is the first media study that employs Fuzzy Logic to understand the globalization theory, Chinese media and news agencies.

A Corpus-Linguistic Analysis of News Coverage in Kenya's Daily Nation and Great Britain's Times

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2015

Labour and the free churches 1918-1939: radicalism, righteousness and religion

It is a commonplace that the labour movement was somehow nurtured within the witness for liberty of the Free Churches. Exploring this at a range of levels - including organisation, rhetoric, policies, electoral politics and people - this book demonstrates the extent to which this remained a reality into the inter-war years. The distinctive religious setting in which it emerged indeed helps to explain the differences between Labour and more Marxist counterparts on the Continent. It is shown here that this setting continued to influence Labour approaches towards welfare, nationalisation and industrial relations between the wars. In the process Labour also adopted some of the righteousness of tone of the Free Churches. This setting was, however, changing. Dropping their traditional suspicion of the State, Nonconformists instead increasingly invested it with religious values, turning it through its growing welfare functions into the provider of practical Christianity. This nationalisation of religion continues to shape British attitudes to the welfare state as well as imposing narrowly utilitarian and material tests of relevance upon the churches and other social institutions. The elevation of the State was not, however, intended as an end in itself. What mattered were the social and individual outcomes. Socialism, for those Free Churchmen and women who helped to shape Labour in the early twentieth century, was about improving society as much as systems.

As peculiaridades da democratização da região do Cáucaso do Sul no contexto da Política Europeia de Vizinhança

O período após o colapso da União Soviética foi o tempo da procura de novas identidades na nova realidade e de escolha de novos parceiros e aliados, o tempo da construção de novos estados e de formulação das regras e normas nacionais. Após o desmoronamento da ideologia soviética - um facto reconhecido oficialmente durante o período da Perestroika –, as pessoas sentiram uma necessidade de preencher o vácuo ideológico e desenvolver uma nova identidade. Foi proclamada a rejeição da estrutura política administrativa herdada da União Soviética e do sistema de economia planificada, e desenvolvida a tendência para a construção do estado democrático fundado numa economia de mercado. As expectativas relativas às transformações no período pós-soviético estavam relacionadas com o Ocidente (EUA e UE), e a construção do estado soberano foi fundada em modelos ocidentais de estado de direito, ‘boa governança’ e a economia de mercado. A UE desempenhou um papel importante na democratização dos estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso através de vários projetos e programas bilaterais e multilaterais no âmbito da Política Europeia de Vizinhança e da Parceria Oriental. Embora as reformas democráticas tenham sido realizadas com vista ao estabelecimento de uma Constituição democrática, à implementação de eleições democráticas e ao desenvolvimento da sociedade civil, fortaleceram, também, ainda mais, a natureza autoritária do poder, impediram a criação de um estado de direito, reforçaram violação dos direitos e das liberdades humanas. (NODIYA, 2003: 30; BAKHMAN, 2003: 17; BADALOV, 2003: 20). Deste modo, o processo da promoção da democracia através das reformas nos três estados do Sul do Cáucaso conduziu à criação de estados de “conteúdo autocrático misto, mas de forma democrática” (CHETERYAN, 2003: 41). Embora seja possível identificar as semelhanças entre os três estados da região do Sul do Cáucaso nas reformas do processo de desenvolvimento, os métodos e meios de implementação de reformas nas realidades dos estados regionais pela administração nacional foram bastante diferentes, por razões associadas às especificidades de cada um (DELCOUR e WOLCZUK, 2013: 3). Cada país é caracterizado pelas suas peculiaridades ao nível da situação geopolítica e diversidade do potencial económico – fatores que definem a trajetória política e económica do estado no período pós-soviético e, em certa medida, influenciam o modo como se desenvolvem as relações com a UE e, portanto, o processo de adoção das reformas e a sua introdução a nível nacional.

Culture du corps et technosciences : vers une « mise à niveau » technique de l’humain? Analyse des représentations du corps soutenues par le mouvement transhumaniste

L’intérêt marqué porté actuellement aux recherches NBIC (nano-bio-info-cognitivo technologies) visant l’optimisation des capacités humaines augure d’un profond bouleversement dans nos représentations du corps humain et du rapport humain-machine. Tour à tour, des travaux issus des domaines du génie génétique, de la pharmacologie, des biotechnologies ou des nanotechnologies nous promettent un corps moins sujet à la maladie, mieux « adapté » et surtout plus malléable. Cette construction en laboratoire d’un corps amélioré fait amplement écho aux préoccupations contemporaines concernant la santé parfaite, le processus de vieillissement, l’inaptitude, l’apparence, la performance, etc. En vue d’analyser les transformations qu’induisent ces recherches sur les représentations du corps, nous avons construit un modèle théorique appuyé, d’une part, sur des travaux en sociologie du corps et, d’autre part, sur des travaux en épistémologie des sciences. Puis, en scrutant différents textes de vulgarisation scientifique produits par des chercheurs transhumanistes – militant ouvertement en faveur d’une optimisation radicale des capacités humaines par le biais des technosciences –, il a été observé que les représentations du corps s’organisent autour de trois principaux noyaux. Le corps humain est présenté, dans ce discours, comme étant à la fois informationnel, technologiquement perfectible et obsolète. Cette représentation tripartite du corps permet aux transhumanistes d’ériger leur modèle d’action (i.e. amélioration des capacités physiques, intellectuelles, sensitives, émotionnelles, etc.) à titre de nécessité anthropologique. À leurs yeux, l’amélioration des conditions humaines doit passer par une mutation contrôlée de la biologie (i.e. une hybridation avec la machine) du fait que le corps serait « inadapté » au monde contemporain. Ainsi, les promesses NBIC, une fois récupérées par les chercheurs transhumanistes, se voient exacerbées et prennent une tonalité péremptoire. Ceci contribue vivement à la promotion du posthumain ou du cyborg, soit d’un individu transformé dans l’optique d’être plus robuste et intelligent, de moduler sa sensitivité et ses états émotifs et de vivre plus longtemps, voire indéfiniment. Enfin, situé à mi-chemin entre la science et la science-fiction, ce projet est qualifié de techno-prophétie en ce qu’il produit d’innombrables prévisions basées sur les avancées technoscientifiques actuelles et potentielles. Afin d’accroître l’acceptabilité sociale de leur modèle d’action, les transhumanistes ne font pas uniquement appel à la (potentielle) faisabilité technique; ils s’appuient également sur des valeurs socialement partagées, telles que l’autodétermination, la perfectibilité humaine, l’égalité, la liberté ou la dignité. Néanmoins, la lecture qu’ils en font est parfois surprenante et rompt très souvent avec les conceptions issues de la modernité. À leur avis, le perfectionnement humain doit s’opérer par le biais des technosciences (non des institutions sociales), sur le corps même des individus (non sur l’environnement) et en vertu de leur « droit » à l’autodétermination compris comme un droit individuel d’optimiser ses capacités. De même, les technosciences doivent, disent-ils, être démocratisées afin d’en garantir l’accessibilité, de réduire les inégalités biologiques et de permettre à chacun de renforcer son sentiment d’identité et d’accomplissement. L’analyse du discours transhumaniste nous a donc permis d’observer leurs représentations du corps de même que la résonance culturelle du projet qu’ils proposent.

Are Cities Illiberal? Municipal Jurisdictions and the Scope of Liberal Neutrality

One of the main characteristics of today’s democratic societies is their pluralism. As a result, liberal political philosophers often claim that the state should remain neutral with respect to different conceptions of the good. Legal and social policies should be acceptable to everyone regardless of their culture, their religion or their comprehensive moral views. One might think that this commitment to neutrality should be especially pronounced in urban centres, with their culturally diverse populations. However, there are a large number of laws and policies adopted at the municipal level that contradict the liberal principle of neutrality. In this paper, I want to suggest that these perfectionistlaws and policies are legitimate at the urban level. Specifically, I will argue that the principle of neutrality applies only indirectly to social institutions within the broader framework of the nation-state. This is clear in the case of voluntary associations, but to a certain extent this rationale applies also to cities. In a liberal regime, private associations are allowed to hold and defend perfectionist views, focused on a particular conception of the good life. One problem is to determine the limits of this perfectionism at the urban level, since cities, unlike private associations, are publicinstitutions. My aim here is therefore to give a liberal justification to a limited form of perfectionism of municipal laws and policies.

Relation entre l’environnement familial et le comportement sexuel des adolescents au Burkina Faso

La thèse porte sur la relation entre l’environnement familial et le comportement sexuel des adolescents vivant dans un contexte de socialisation. L’environnement familial est mesuré par le type de famille de résidence, le type d’union du chef de ménage, la survie des parents, la cohabitation avec les grands-parents et le nombre de personnes de moins de 20 ans par adulte dans le ménage. Le comportement sexuel est opérationnalisé par l’entrée en sexualité prémaritale, l’utilisation du condom au premier rapport sexuel, le nombre de partenaires sexuels, le recours au partenaire sexuel occasionnel et l’utilisation systématique du condom au cours des douze derniers mois. Les données proviennent d’enquêtes transversales. Elles ont servi à établir des associations entre les indicateurs des deux concepts. Les résultats sont présentés dans trois articles (Chapitres III à V). Une analyse descriptive de l’environnement familial au Burkina Faso montre qu’une majorité des enfants de 0 à 14 ans (78,4% en 1993 et 77,6% en 2003) et des adolescents de 12 à 19 ans (61,1% en 2004) vit auprès des deux parents, en union monogame ou polygame. Cependant, certains enfants et adolescents résident avec les parents dans des ménages dirigés par d’autres personnes. Le décès des parents (7,7% en 1993 et 7,3% en 2003 pour les enfants; 16,5% en 2004 pour les adolescents), la pratique du confiage (10,4% en 1993 et 8,9% en 2003 pour les enfants; 26,9% en 2004 pour les adolescents) et la monoparentalité (11,2% en 1993 et 13,6% en 2003 pour les enfants; 12% en 2004 pour les adolescents) affectent amplement l’environnement familial. C’est dans l’adolescence que les individus sont plus nombreux à être privés de la présence des deux parents. Il existe une association statistique significative entre l’environnement familial et le comportement sexuel des adolescents du Burkina Faso. Cette relation varie en fonction de l’indicateur de comportement à l’étude et du sexe des adolescents ciblés. Par exemple, l’absence des deux parents dans le ménage n’est pas systématiquement associée au comportement sexuel à risque. S’agissant des indicateurs de comportement sexuel, l’âge au premier rapport sexuel est associé significativement aux autres indicateurs des garçons et des filles. Une entrée précoce en sexualité (avant 14 ans) est associée à une plus grande probabilité d’adoption de comportement sexuel à risque. Toutefois, elle est moins susceptible d’être associée au recours à plusieurs partenaires sexuels. Les résultats ont conduit à des recommandations pour les politiques et les programmes de santé sexuelle et reproductive. Au Burkina Faso, la priorité des futures actions devrait viser la sensibilisation des parents, des tuteurs et des adultes du ménage pour l’éducation, le soutien et le suivi de tous les adolescents, sans exception de sexe et de statut dans la sexualité. Les institutions extrafamiliales, comme l’école, devraient être mises à contribution pour appuyer l’effort des membres de la famille. Une stratégie combinée de promotion du report de l’entrée en sexualité et de l’éducation sexuelle pourrait être un moyen plus sûr et plus sécuritaire pour protéger la santé dans l’adolescence.

Analyse comparative entre la famille de l’habitant de Saint-Justin de Léon Gérin (1886) et une famille rurale québécoise d’aujourd’hui (2010) selon la perspective des temps sociaux

L’agent régulateur des temps sociaux de la famille québécoise a été la religion catholique pendant des décennies. Les mouvements d’après-guerre et la Révolution tranquille, ont amené un changement de paradigme avec la laïcisation des institutions et la multiplication des programmes sociaux de l’État-providence. Pour cerner l’importance de ce changement, nous avons utilisé la clef analytique de Léon Gérin pour produire une analyse comparative entre deux familles à deux époques : en 1886 et en 2010. Or, au moment où l’État est de plus en plus présent dans toutes les sphères de la vie de la famille tout en leur laissant une autonomie et une liberté, la population se montre de plus en plus sceptique envers les institutions étatiques. Un fossé s’est créé entre la société officielle, celle du social, des institutions, et la société officieuse, celle de la culture populaire qui agit à partir de l’esprit de corps de son groupe, virtuel ou non. La crise de confiance des gens envers les institutions annonce un nouveau changement de paradigme. La rationalité qui a été le moteur de la modernité fait graduellement place à l’émotionnel et à la valeur du temps présent. Le travail, agent régulateur qui comblait les besoins matériels à la modernité, serait remplacé progressivement par des besoins immatériels devenant l’agent régulateur des temps sociaux de la famille.

Rivalité et marchés : une éthique adversative pour les agents économiques

Thèse réalisée en cotutelle avec l'Institut supérieur de philosophie, Université catholique de Louvain.