920 resultados para Prerrogativa constitucional, Brasil


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O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar a plausividade da tese da mutação constitucional como mecanismo de efetivação da Constituição da República Federativa Brasil de 1988 e a partir dos 6 (seis) principais julgados do Supremo Tribunal Federal verificar se os limites impostos a esse fenômeno estão sendo respeitados. Com objetivo de comprovar esta tese foi estudado desde a opção do poder constituinte originário em atribuir aspecto rígido a Constituição pátria, permitindo que algumas matérias de seu texto através de mecanismos específicos possam ser alterados, até a legitimidade reflexa dos ministros do STF para atuarem como legisladores positivos alterando o sentido da norma sem modificação de seu conteúdo. A exposição dos limites impostos a mutação constitucional também foi alvo de especial destaque, pois somente a partir da compreensão destes seria possível uma análise sobre eventual extrapolação de competência do Poder Judiciário. A partir dos julgados do STF verificamos que a mutação constitucional está sendo aplicada dentro os limites impostos, logo este instituto atingiu seu objetivo central de aproximar as normas constitucionais a realidade da sociedade sem ferir o princípio da Separação de Poderes. Como resultado concluímos que a mutação constitucional a partir do cenário político atual que assume a asfixia e a consequente morosidade do Poder Legislativo, é um instrumento imprescindível para dar efetividade aos preceitos e princípios fundamentais da Constituição. Na atual conjuntura abdicar deste valioso instrumento seria o mesmo que assumir o fracasso e a inobservância de todo ordenamento jurídico, já que este não conseguirá reger as relações humanas da sociedade.

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A improbidade administrativa é um fenômeno antigo na história do Brasil, tendo suas raízes estranhadas na própria colonização do país. Nesse sentido, tornou-se indispensável a implementação de medidas para o combate à corrupção lato sensu1, mobilizando as diversas áreas do direito para tal finalidade. A promulgação da Constituição Federal da Republica de 1988 (CRFB/1988) conferiu rigidez constitucional aos meios de coibição à improbidade administrativa, estabelecendo peremptoriamente princípios e normas pertinentes ao tema, evidenciando a importância do controle dos atos praticados pelos agentes públicos. Todavia, ficou a cargo do legislador infraconstitucional regulamentar as ações de improbidade administrativa, o que ocorreu com a promulgação da Lei nº 8429/1992 (Lei de Improbidade Administrativa – LIA). A Lei regulou seus aspectos materiais, quais sejam: seus sujeitos (art. 1º e 2º), atos (art. 9, 10 e 11) e sanções (art. 12); como também seus aspectos procedimentais (art. 17). O tema central do estudo refere-se ao juízo competente para julgamento e processamento dos agentes públicos nas ações de improbidade administrativa, por eles gozarem de foro por prerrogativa de função no julgamento dos crimes comuns (responsabilidade penal) e de responsabilidade (responsabilidade política), e este ser um benefício relacionado exclusivamente com o cargo ocupado pelo agente. Neste sentido, por a ação de improbidade ser essencialmente sancionatória e dotada de aspectos políticos-administrativos, possuindo peculiaridades das duas esferas, muitos questionam a extensão da aplicação do benefício em questão levando em consideração o silêncio da lei. Visto isso, aprofundarei a discussão especificamente no que se refere aos agentes públicos, dividindo-a em dois aspectos: (1) os agentes políticos respondem por improbidade administrativa, visto já responderam no âmbito político-administrativo por crimes de responsabilidade? (2) em caso positivo, aplica-se foro de prerrogativa de função? Essas questões levantadas são alvo de bastante divergência na doutrina e, principalmente, na jurisprudência. Desta forma, o trabalho objetiva analisar se se estenderia a prerrogativa de foro às ações de improbidade administrativa visto que, mesmo constitucionalmente consagrada como ação civil, é uma ação dotada de peculiaridades relevantes, seja pelo forte conteúdo sancionatório, principalmente no que tange às penas previstas que ultrapassam as reparações pecuniárias do direito civil, seja por envolver interesses político e posições hierárquicas. Ultrapassada a questão, ainda busca analisar o ajuizamento destas ações em face dos agentes políticos, tanto em razão de sua possibilidade (visto já responderem por crimes de responsabilidade) quanto ao órgão jurisdicional competente para julgá-los (esbarrando novamente na questão da aplicação ou não da prerrogativa de foro).

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The oil activities in Brazil had been started in an intensive way in the end of the 30 s and in the beginning of the 40 s. Many of the brazilians fields discovered in the past are nowadays in decline. They are called ―mature fields‖. These fields, because of the decline situation that characterizes them, are not interesting for the majors. The majors want the big fields and big productions. On the other hand, they could be interesting for the small and medium enterprises. The mature oil fields are instruments of development, they have oil and the oil production is an activity connected with many social and economics benefits: jobs, taxes, royalties, etc. The Brazilian State, in this context, needs to realize actions to promote the activities in the mature oil fields, especially with the work of the small and mediums enterprises. Many of the onshore brazilian mature fields are located at the Northeast, a region matched by many social and economic problems. The activities in the mature fields of the Northeast Region could solve some of its problems. The present research analyses the mature oil fields and its situations in Brazil, making criticisms and suggestions. The methodology adopted is theoretical and descriptive, with literature review, case law and legislation (Constituição Federal de 1988, ―Law of the Oil‖). This research examines the following points: mature fields rounds and its documents, name and definition of the mature fields, definition of small and medium enterprises, environmental aspects, concentration of certain activities of the sector and the royalties

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The recent insertion of biodiesel derived from oily vegetables in the Brazilian energetic matrix calls for the study of some aspects that belong to it. The analysis of the carbonized energetic pattern concerns the paradigm of economic development that is constitutionally enshrined sustainable development which make environmental protection compatible with the needs of the economic rationality. This text is structured according to the ideas of modern hermeneutic that sees substantial value in the principles capable of create a harmonious relationship between law and society. The study of the constitutional principles to conduct a legal analysis about the National Program for Production and Use of Biodiesel - PNPB. The aim of the research is the study of PNPB ahead with the constitutional principles governing the economic order. To achieve this end we studied the sustainable development as a constitutional principle. We start with the notion that the thematic principles, and fundamental to understanding the dimension of sustainable development institute, since its concept is closely related to the applications of the principles enshrined in virtually all the constitutional order of the Western world. Then this was the National Energy Policy, initiating the approach by guiding principles of the National Energy Policy to develop the theme of public policy in the energy sector. Therefore, we studied the National Program of Biodiesel Production and Use - PNPB. From a technical introduction to the concept of biodiesel and a brief historical background, analyzing their advantages compared to fossil fuels predominantly used. Then it became a regulatory overview of the Brazilian legislation on the subject, central to understanding the plans and objectives pursued by the Brazilian government with encouraging the production of biodiesel. Finally discussed the tax incentives for production and use of biodiesel in Brazil. From the idea of federalism, characterized the tax as an instrument of state intervention in the economy. And finally it brought the tax incentives of Law No. 11.116/2005 in the face of the constitutional principles of economy and tax, and tax incentives from projects related to the Kyoto Protocol

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The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration

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The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution

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Cet article met les conceptions et projets politiques ayant trait au processus conduisant à la constituion impériale brésilienne de 1824 dans un contexte historique dont le pont de départ est la notion d'empire civil, telle qu'elle se développa lors de la réorganisation politico-administrative du royaume et de l'empire du Portugal au XVIIIe siècle. Le texte montre qu'avec le couronnement de Pierre I on fit un usage moderne d'une institution ancienne, le sacre royal, ce qui servit à étayer une sujection politique fondée sur la raison universelle humaine. Cette étude permet de comprendre pourquoi le Brésil indépendant fut pour commencer un empire, pas un royaume, ainsi que le sens profond du pouvoir modérateur attribué à l'empereur par la constitution de 1824.

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En este artículo se investigan los efectos de las inversiones realizadas por el Fondo Constitucional de Financiamiento del Nordeste (fne) en el crecimiento económico de los municipios de esa región en la década de 2000. Para ello se utiliza un marco empírico basado en modelos de crecimiento que permiten la formación de clubes de convergencia según el nivel de desarrollo inicial del municipio. Los resultados corroboran la estrategia empírica y revelan la existencia de cuatro grupos de municipios donde los flujos de inversión mediante el fne afectan al crecimiento de manera diferente. En general, el fne produce efectos positivos y significativos en la mayoría de los municipios del Nordeste, con excepción de aquellos cuyo producto interno bruto (pib) per cápita era muy bajo o muy alto a comienzos de la década, donde sus efectos no resultaron significativos.

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"Artigo produzido com base no trabalho de conclusão do curso de Especialização em Análise e Controle de Constitucionalidade, promovido pela Unilegis - Universidade do Legislativo em parceria com a Universidade de Brasília - UnB. como requisito para a obtenção do título de Especialista. Orientador: Prof. José Geraldo de Sousa Junior".