Exploring the conditions for a mortality crisis: bringing context back into the debate

This study engages with the debate over the mortality crises in the former Soviet Union and Central and Eastern Europe by 1) considering at length and as complementary to each other the two most prominent explanations for the post-communist mortality crisis, stress and alcohol consumption; 2) emphasizing the importance of context by exploiting systematic similarities and differences across the region. Differential mortality trajectories reveal three country groups that cluster both spatially and in terms of economic transition experiences. The first group are the countries furthest west in which mortality rates increased minimally after the transition began. The second group experienced a severe increase in mortality rates in the early 1990s, but recovered previous levels within a few years. These countries are located peripherally to Russia and its nearest neighbours. The final group consists of countries that experienced two mortality increases or in which mortality levels had not recovered to pre-transition levels well into the 21st century. Cross-sectional time-series data analyses of men’s and women’s age and cause-specific death rates reveal that the clustering of these countries and their mortality trajectories can be partially explained by the economic context, which is argued to be linked to stress and alcohol consumption. Above and beyond many basic differences in the country groups that are held constant—including geographically and historically shared cultural, lifestyle and social characteristics—poor economic conditions account for a remarkably consistent share of excess age-specific and cause-specific deaths.

Uncomfortable Comparisons : The Canadian Truth And Reconciliation Commission In International Context

The Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission on Indian Residential Schools is a novel foray into a genre previously associated with so-called “transitional” democracies from the post-Communist world and the global South. This basic fact notwithstanding, a systematic comparison with the broader universe of truth commission-hosting countries reveals that the circumstances surrounding the Canadian TRC are not entirely novel. This article develops this argument by distilling from the transitional justice literature several bases of comparison designed to explain how a truth commission’s capacity to promote new cultures of justice and accountability in the wake of massive violations of human rights is affected by the socio-political context in which the commission occurs; the injustices it is asked to investigate; and the nature of its mandate. It concludes that these factors, compounded by considerations unique to the Canadian context, all militate against success. If Canadian citizens and policymakers fail to meet this profound ethIcal challenge, they will find themselves occupying the transition-wrecking role played more familiarly by the recalcitrant and unreformed military and security forces in the world’s more evidently authoritarian states.

La incidencia del Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán en el establecimiento de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en Asia Central 1991-2012

El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la estrategia de securitización implementada por el Presidente de la Republica de Uzbekistán Islam Karimov sobre el Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán. Se describe y se explica cómo desde las lógicas históricas y étnicas acontecidas en Asia Central, se pueden comprender los alcances internacionales de la confrontación antagónica ejercida entre uzbekos al apoyar ideas de corte secular e islamista. Así, siguiendo los parámetros establecidos por Barry Buzan con respecto a la securitización, se puede llegar a identificar la creación de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en la región de Asia Central, cuyos logros permitieron disminuir el riesgo de la amenaza insurgente.

On identity reformation and local transition: a case from Poland

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore and understand the process of successful introduction of total quality management (TQM) in Poland and the way in which it impacted on identity of Polish managers. Design/methodology/approach – The study is based on a combination of ethnographic research and repertory grid interviews. Findings – The process of TQM introduction and implementation is examined through the application of translation as a model incorporating cultural and socio-economical dimensions in addition to individual and organizational levels that shaped the development of TQM in Poland. It then draws on the idea of fantasy as theorized in Lacanian psychoanalysis in order to incorporate the unconscious element of translation process which is missing from Latour’s theorization and which forms an important aspect of adoption of new technology and the emergence of a new post-transition generation of managers in Poland. The paper argues that a complex combination of contextual factors, amongst them the notion of fantasy shaped the process of translation of TQM to Poland, the identity formation of Polish managers and to the emergence of a new post-transition generation of managers in Poland. Originality/value – This paper contributes to the literature on the post-command transition by illustrating this process through the fantasy of total quality management explored in a specific socio-cultural and geographical context and by combining the idea of Latour’s translation with Lacanian fantasy.

Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur? : Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder

While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

Une ethnographie de la gestion de la population rom en Albanie

Cette thèse propose une ethnographie de la gestion de la population rom en Albanie, saisie sur deux périodes historiques : communisme et postcommunisme. L’analyse porte sur la façon dont divers instruments de gestion des populations en tant que techniques de pouvoir, sont mises en œuvre ; comment une population donnée devient-elle un sujet politique ? Quels sont les effets d’une telle gestion sur les populations en général et sur les populations roms en particulier ? Cette approche, une approche foucaldienne, replace ainsi au centre de l’analyse empirique les politiques, les pratiques et les discours concernant les Roms en Albanie et essaye de saisir les effets qu’ils produisent sur cette population. Cette thèse part de ces éléments pour interroger plus largement les transformations sociétales dans l’Albanie postcommuniste. Ce travail s’inscrit dans le champ de l’anthropologie politique et conjugue à la fois une anthropologie de l’État et une anthropologie de la violence. Il s’articule autour de trois parties. La première porte sur la contextualisation de cette thèse, du point de vue conceptuel, méthodologique et théorique. La deuxième partie propose une analyse des relations que l’État a entretenues avec les Roms pendant la période communiste, phase durant laquelle la population rom a été exposée à diverses mesures administratives visant sa normalisation, à travers une sédentarisation forcée et d’autres mesures coercitives. La troisième partie, précédée par un intermède sur la période de la transition, interroge la relation entre l’État, la violence, la mobilité et la gestion de la population rom en Albanie depuis la chute du communisme. L’analyse se fait à partir d’un cas spécifique, celui des familles roms déplacées et en déplacement aux alentours de Tirana ; une mobilité forcée notamment par peu d’opportunités de sortir de la précarité pour plusieurs familles roms, mais aussi une mobilité induite par les politiques, les pratiques et les discours étatiques, notamment par leur non-action. Au fur et à mesure que l’analyse des pratiques et des discours – complétée par une ethnographie des documents d’archives et dans les quartiers et les campements roms – s’approfondit pendant les deux périodes historiques, elle dévoile de nombreuses – mais différentes – contradictions et controverses au sein du dispositif, lesquelles produisent à leur tour discrimination, exclusion, violence, indifférence et abandon.

The Politics of Retrospective Justice in Germany & the Czech Republic. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 05.4, 1994

Ongoing German and Czech efforts to confront legacies of injustice in their recent pasts provides opportunity to examine policies of retrospective justice adopted from where there is no threat of old elites with residual power. Instead of evoking existing explanations of these measures that concentrate on normative issues, the role of former dissidents, or mode of transition, this account focuses on the importance of the character and structure of the political representation in post-Communist regimes in general, and in the German and Czech successor regimes in particular.

Une ethnographie de la gestion de la population rom en Albanie

Cette thèse propose une ethnographie de la gestion de la population rom en Albanie, saisie sur deux périodes historiques : communisme et postcommunisme. L’analyse porte sur la façon dont divers instruments de gestion des populations en tant que techniques de pouvoir, sont mises en œuvre ; comment une population donnée devient-elle un sujet politique ? Quels sont les effets d’une telle gestion sur les populations en général et sur les populations roms en particulier ? Cette approche, une approche foucaldienne, replace ainsi au centre de l’analyse empirique les politiques, les pratiques et les discours concernant les Roms en Albanie et essaye de saisir les effets qu’ils produisent sur cette population. Cette thèse part de ces éléments pour interroger plus largement les transformations sociétales dans l’Albanie postcommuniste. Ce travail s’inscrit dans le champ de l’anthropologie politique et conjugue à la fois une anthropologie de l’État et une anthropologie de la violence. Il s’articule autour de trois parties. La première porte sur la contextualisation de cette thèse, du point de vue conceptuel, méthodologique et théorique. La deuxième partie propose une analyse des relations que l’État a entretenues avec les Roms pendant la période communiste, phase durant laquelle la population rom a été exposée à diverses mesures administratives visant sa normalisation, à travers une sédentarisation forcée et d’autres mesures coercitives. La troisième partie, précédée par un intermède sur la période de la transition, interroge la relation entre l’État, la violence, la mobilité et la gestion de la population rom en Albanie depuis la chute du communisme. L’analyse se fait à partir d’un cas spécifique, celui des familles roms déplacées et en déplacement aux alentours de Tirana ; une mobilité forcée notamment par peu d’opportunités de sortir de la précarité pour plusieurs familles roms, mais aussi une mobilité induite par les politiques, les pratiques et les discours étatiques, notamment par leur non-action. Au fur et à mesure que l’analyse des pratiques et des discours – complétée par une ethnographie des documents d’archives et dans les quartiers et les campements roms – s’approfondit pendant les deux périodes historiques, elle dévoile de nombreuses – mais différentes – contradictions et controverses au sein du dispositif, lesquelles produisent à leur tour discrimination, exclusion, violence, indifférence et abandon.

A költségvetési korlát megkeményítése a posztszocialista országokban = Hardening of the budget constraint in the post-socialist countries

A költségvetési korlát megkeményítése nem egyforma mértékben ment végbe minden posztszocialista gazdaságban. Egyes országokban messzire jutottak ebben a tekintetben, másokban viszont alig változott az indulóállapot. A tanulmány áttekinti a költségvetési korlát puhaságának különböző megnyilvánulásait: az állami támogatásokat, a puha adózást, a nem teljesítő bankkölcsönöket, a vállalatközi tartozások felgyülemlését és a kifizetetlen béreket. A jelenséget sokféle tényező okozza, amelyek többnyire együttesen jelentkeznek. Az állami tulajdon fenntartása kedvez a puha költségvetési szindróma megrögződésének, a privatizálás elősegíti a keményítést, de nem elégséges feltétele a kemény korlát érvényesítésének. Ehhez megfelelő politikai, jogi és gazdasági környezetet kell céltudatosan kialakítani. A posztszocialista átmenet kezdetén sokan azt hitték, hogy a hatékony piacgazdaság létrehozásához elegendő lesz megvalósítani a liberalizáció, privatizáció és stabilizáció "szentháromságát". Mára már kiderült, hogy a költségvetési korlát megkeményítése az említett három feladattal egyenrangúan fontos. Ahol ez nem valósul meg (például Oroszország), ott a privatizáció nem hozza meg a várt eredményt. ___________________ The budget constraint has not hardened to equal degrees in the various post-socialist countries. In some of them, a great deal has been done in this respect, while in others there has been hardly any change from the initial state. This study surveys the typical manifestations of softness of the budget constraint, such as state subsidies, soft taxation, non-performing loans, the accumulation of trade arrears between firms, and the build-up of wage arrears. Softness of the budget constraint is caused by several factors that tend to act in combination. Thus retention of state ownership helps to preserve the soft budget-constraint syndrome, while privatization encourages the budget constraint to harden, although it does not form a sufficient condition for it to happen. Purposeful development of the requisite political, legal and economic conditions is also required. It was widely maintained at the outset of the post-socialist transition that the 'Holy Trinity' of liberalization, privatization and stabilization would suffice to produce an efficient market economy. Since then, it has become clear that hardening the budget constraint needs to be given equal priority with these. Otherwise, the effects of privatization will fall short of expectations, as they have in Russia, for example.

Institutional Persistence in Eastern Europe: Economic and Political Legacies of Empires and Communism

This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?

I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.

This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.

The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.

The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.

The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.

In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.

From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.

Playing with tension; national charisma at Euro 2012

European National football came together in the summer of 2012 for the 14th occasion. This book sets out to examine the enduring social tensions between supporters and authorities, as well as those between local, national and European identities, which formed the backdrop to the 14th staging of the European National football tournament, Euro2012. The context of the tournament was somewhat unique from those staged in previous years, being jointly hosted for the first time by two post-Communist nations still in the process of social and economic transition. In this respect, the decision to stage Euro 2012 in Poland and Ukraine bore its own material and symbolic legacies shaping the tournament: the unsettling of neo-liberal imaginings and emergent ‘East-West’ fears about poor infrastructure, inefficiencies and corruption jostled with moral panics about racism and fears surrounding the potentially unfulfilled consumerist expectations of west European supporters. The book seeks to explore the ideologies and practices invoked by competing national sentiments and examine the social tensions, ambiguities and social capital generating potentials surrounding national, ethnic, European identity, with respect to national football teams, supporters and supporter movements.

Do comunismo à União Europeia: 20 anos que mudaram a história política e económica da Bulgária: Uma abordagem pela teoria e prática da condicionalidade

O mecanismo da condicionalidade pode ser considerado como um dos sucessos da UE na avaliação da forma como este afectou os processos de transição nos países pós-comunistas, em particular no caso dos países envolvidos no Quinto Alargamento. Este trabalho avalia a importância do mecanismo da condicionalidade na região da Europa de Leste, buscando analisar as políticas da UE em relação à Bulgária no período de 20 anos de difícil transição de um sistema comunista planificado para uma economia de mercado. Avaliamos também as políticas europeias de pré-adesão e as condições de adesão. Além disso, prestamos ainda atenção ao fenómeno do mecanismo da condicionalidade específico da UE, como tal, comparamos o seu impacto com os mecanismos do FMI e do Banco Mundial. Concluímos com a tentativa de fornecer alguns elementos sobre a utilidade prática do mecanismo de condicionalidade no Sudeste da Europa, definindo as suas principais realizações, bem como os problemas enfrentados. Através de uma revisão da literatura disponível, e adoptando uma perspectiva histórica, procuramos avaliar também as novas responsabilidades que a Bulgária assumiu ao alargar a fronteira exterior da UE e as consequências que daí decorreram para as relações políticas e económicas com os países vizinhos. /ABSTRACT: The conditionality mechanism can be considered one of the successes of the EU when estimated its influence over the transition process in the post-communist countries, especially for the countries involved in the Fifth Enlargement. This study evaluates the significance of the mechanism of conditionality in the region of Eastern Europe, analyzing the policies of the EU for Bulgaria during the 20 years of difficult transition from a planned communist system to a market economy. The European policies of pre-accession and the accession conditions are evaluated. Also, it pays attention to the phenomenon of the conditionality mechanism specific for EU, comparing its impact with the mechanisms of the IMF and World Bank. And concludes with an attempt to provide some elements about how useful has been the conditionality mechanism in South East Europe, defining the main achievements and difficulties that it faces. Having a look at the available literature and also reviewing it from historical point of view, it's evaluated the new responsibilities that Bulgaria assumed after extending the external frontiers of EU and the consequences for the political and economic relations with neighbor countries.

Anàlisi de l'obra cinematogràfica de quatre documentalistes russos o de repúbliques ex-soviètiques : la relació amb les noves tendències del documental i el llegat soviètic

El treball de recerca té com a principal objectiu l'estudi del cinema documental rus contemporani a través de l'obra cinematogràfica d'Alexander Sokurov, Sergei Dvortsevoi, Sergei Loznitsa i Victor Kossakovski. En un primer moment la investigació s'havia encaminat en un estudi comparatiu sobre les noves tendències del documental i els models de realisme proposats des de la Rússia post-comunista. El treball s'ha realitzat a partir de tres vies d'investigació. La primera ha consistit en una exhaustiva recerca bibliogràfica sobre cinema documental i cinema soviètic. La segona s'ha plantejat a partir d'un anàlisi acurat de les diverses pel•lícules. Finalment, la tercera via s'ha desenvolupat a partir d'un treball de camp realitzat durant una estada a Rússia, un període en el qual va ser possible entrevistar dos dels cineastes protagonistes de l'estudi, Sergei Dvortsevoi i Victor Kossakovski, així com el crític de cinema Andrei Xemijakin. També va ser fonamental l'assistència a la taula rodona i la master class impartida per Sergei Loznitsa en el marc del desè aniversari del Màster en Teoria i Pràctica de Documental Creatiu de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Tot i que es poden traçar vincles entre el treball dels quatre cineastes escollits i algunes de les pràctiques contemporànies en l'àmbit de la no-ficció, com pot ser l'experiència de Sergei Loznitsa en el terreny del found-footage, o els documentals experimentals de caràcter assagístic d'Alexander Sokurov, així com la tendència observacional i el pas al cinema de ficció de Segei Dvortsevoi, o l'ús de la tecnologia digital en les últimes pel•lícules de Victor Kossakovski. Tot i aquestes aproximacions, es pot afirmar que el model de realisme proposat per aquests cineastes troba el seu autèntic llegat en el cinema soviètic. Una herència que comença amb el cinema de Dziga Vertov –pioner del documental artístic i revolucionari- i acaba en el d'Artavadz Pelechian.

Anàlisi de l'obra cinematogràfica de quatre documentalistes russos o de repúbliques ex-soviètiques: la relació amb les noves tendències del documental i el llegat soviètic.

El treball de recerca té com a principal objectiu l'estudi del cinema documental rus contemporani a través de l'obra cinematogràfica d'Alexander Sokurov, Sergei Dvortsevoi, Sergei Loznitsa i Victor Kossakovski. En un primer moment la investigació s'havia encaminat en un estudi comparatiu sobre les noves tendències del documental i els models de realisme proposats des de la Rússia post-comunista. El treball s'ha realitzat a partir de tres vies d'investigació. La primera ha consistit en una exhaustiva recerca bibliogràfica sobre cinema documental i cinema soviètic. La segona s'ha plantejat a partir d'un anàlisi acurat de les diverses pel•lícules. Finalment, la tercera via s'ha desenvolupat a partir d'un treball de camp realitzat durant una estada a Rússia, un període en el qual va ser possible entrevistar dos dels cineastes protagonistes de l'estudi, Sergei Dvortsevoi i Victor Kossakovski, així com el crític de cinema Andrei Xemijakin. També va ser fonamental l'assistència a la taula rodona i la master class impartida per Sergei Loznitsa en el marc del desè aniversari del Màster en Teoria i Pràctica de Documental Creatiu de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Tot i que es poden traçar vincles entre el treball dels quatre cineastes escollits i algunes de les pràctiques contemporànies en l'àmbit de la no-ficció, com pot ser l'experiència de Sergei Loznitsa en el terreny del found-footage, o els documentals experimentals de caràcter assagístic d'Alexander Sokurov, així com la tendència observacional i el pas al cinema de ficció de Segei Dvortsevoi, o l'ús de la tecnologia digital en les últimes pel•lícules de Victor Kossakovski. Tot i aquestes aproximacions, es pot afirmar que el model de realisme proposat per aquests cineastes troba el seu autèntic llegat en el cinema soviètic. Una herència que comença amb el cinema de Dziga Vertov –pioner del documental artístic i revolucionari- i acaba en el d'Artavadz Pelechian –cineasta armeni i un dels màxims representatnts del documental poètic-. El treball de recerca ha estat presentat en forma de comunicació en el congrés internacional “IMAGEing Reality: Representing the Real in Film, Television and New Media”, celebrat a Pamplona el mes d'Octubre de 2009. La comunicació s'ha redactat en format article i està pendent de publicació.