937 resultados para Portugal social state


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Si l’alternative est de nos jours et dans nos sociétés occidentales un concept de plus en plus en vogue, son caractère lui, en demeure pas moins ambigu. En effet, et alors même que nombre de pratiques dites alternatives émergent de part et d’autre de la société, en faire allusion dans certains domaines équivaut à s’affliger soi-même d’une étiquette sur laquelle serait inscrite « New-Age » en caractère gras. Pourtant, son caractère loin d’évoquer cette seule dimension, semble par ailleurs être conséquente d un déséquilibre de plus en plus prégnant au sein même des prérogatives de l’État. Ce mémoire tente donc de rendre compte de ce phénomène tout en investiguant les répercussions de cette asymétrie sur l’intégration de pratiques médicales alternatives au Québec. Ceci dans l’intention non seulement d’explorer davantage la nature de la relation entre médecine alternative et biomédecine, mais aussi afin de poser un nouveau regard sur son expansion. Un regard, lequel permettrait potentiellement de poser les jalons nécessaires à un espace de conciliation entre les médecines, lequel découlerait alors d’un nouvel équilibre au cœur des prérogatives mêmes de l’État.

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La presente monografía hace un análisis comparado entre la teoría comunitarista del reconocido sociólogo alemán Amitai Etzioni y el Estado Comunitario del presidente colombiano Álvaro Uribe Vélez en su discurso político durante su primer período presidencial 2002-2006. Este trabajo pretende determinar hasta qué punto las propuestas políticas de los gobiernos colombianos se basan en teorías políticas contemporáneas en la elaboración de sus proyectos y en qué medida el Estado Comunitario consolida o no el Estado Social de Derecho en Colombia.

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La Constitución Política de 1991 introdujo el concepto de participación como dato fundamental de su estructura. Un estudio ligero permite evidenciar una cantidad de artículos que regulan la materia participativa sin embargo, dichos preceptos se encuentran sin una relación de convexidad precisa. En cuanto al tema de la participación del administrado en la administración pública, como género de la especie que engloba las normas precisas sobre el ejercicio de funciones administrativas por particulares, el problema es de mayor complejidad; ello debido a que el problema participativo supone el estudio de teorías sociológicas que explican el fenómeno desde perspectivas que superan el ámbito normativo de los preceptos que consagran dicho fenómeno. El presente artículo tiene como propósito estudiar desde un punto de vista teórico el problema de la participación como fundamento del ejercicio de funciones administrativas por particulares con el objeto de explicar su fundamento último. Para este efecto, el artículo propone un panorama general de los fundamentos tradicionales del derecho administrativo y su eficacia actual, dentro del marco de una sociedad compleja en permanente conexión con el Estado Social de Derecho. A su vez expone teorías explicativas de la relación mencionada y sus efectos en la producción de normas jurídicas. Por último, expone un estudio de caso para la aplicación de los fundamentos teóricos expuestos en este artículo.

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Este documento tiene por objeto servir de guía para el avance de la industria digital colombiana, mediante la implementación de una propuesta en el modelo de desarrollo de aplicaciones para medios digitales en Televisión -que ha sido tan exitosa en otros medios-, como complemento a la política pública de tecnología en el país, y a su vez, -en un objetivo que apenas inicia y del que este trabajo es un primer atisbo conceptual-, se empiece a discutir la idea de que el Derecho deba someterse a otras ciencias (La económica o la administrativa), con el fin de darle nivel de igualdad a ellas y mostrarlo como una herramienta de inicio para generar instituciones de las que las otras ciencias dependen, partiendo de la base institucional del Estado Social de Derecho.

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El artículo examina el impacto social y político que tuvo lugar con el cambio constitucional ocurrido en Colombia desde la década de los noventa, y resultante del modelo consagrado en la Constitución Política de 1991.Partiendo de ese proceso, el análisis revisa las principales características de la introducción y posterior coexistencia de dos modelos de Estado antagónicos: el Estado Social de Derecho y el Estado Neoliberal, convergentes en el articulado de la Constitución de 1991. Así mismo, se revisan las innovaciones institucionales que ambos modelos le introducen al régimen político colombiano, especialmente en lo atinente a la administración de justicia, la estructura del poder público y la articulación de la participación como eje de la democracia.Simultáneamente, se estudian los elementos característicos de la coexistencia de estos dos modelos mediante el análisis del comportamiento de actores individuales y colectivos y de los hechos políticos concretos que han configurado dicha relación durante la última década del siglo XX, así como su incidencia en la inestabilidad del régimen político colombiano. Finalmente, se consideran las deficiencias en la cultura política y la constante interferencia de los sectores tradicionales y de los actores armados como rasgo estructural que impide concretar las aspiraciones del proyecto de reforma y progresión democráticas contemplado en la Constitución de 1991.-----From a critical perspective, this essay examines the root socioeconomic and political impact of the constitutional change that occurred in Colombia during the decade of the 90s, and the resultant model consecrated in the Political Constitution of 1991.Taking that process as a starting point, the analysis reviews the principal characteristics of the introduction and subsequent coexistence of two antagonistic models of state: The Social State of Right and the Neoliberal State convergent in the articulation of the Constitution of 1991. Also, the article studies the institutional innovations that both models introduce to the Columbian political regime, especially in regards to the justice administration, the structure of public power and the srticulation of participation as the axis of democracy.At the same time, the article reviews the elements that exemplify the coexistence of these two models, by means of analytical pursuit of the behabior of the individual and collective actors and of the concrete political facts that have formed said relation throughout the last decade of the 20th century, as well as its impact on the instability of the Columbian political regime. Finally, the essay considers the deficiencies in the political culture and the constant interference of the traditional sectors and of the armed actors as a characteristically structural obstacle to the achievement of the aspirations of the great project of democratic reform and progress contemplated in the Constitution of 1991.

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La salud además de ser un derecho fundamental también es un servicio público, el cual debe brindarse adecuadamente en términos de oportunidad, cobertura y calidad. Al entender la salud como un derecho fundamental autónomo, significa, que requiere por parte del Estado la garantía de su goce efectivo para todos los habitantes del territorio nacional, el cual es susceptible de limitaciones, con sujeción a los principios de eficiencia, universalidad y solidaridad, dentro del marco de la dignidad humana. Por otro lado, el análisis de la salud como un servicio público puede abordarse desde la prestación del mismo por parte de los particulares, lo que significa analizar la figura de la descentralización por colaboración en un Estado Unitario, lo que implica: 1. La actuación de particulares en la prestación del servicio público, previa autorización legal 2. La implementación de sistemas de control, inspección y vigilancia, por parte del Estado sobre dicha prestación. 3. La expedición de instrumentos de regulación y reglamentación normativa que regulen la prestación del servicio público de salud. A través de la interpretación integradora podemos afirmar que la salud es un derecho de la persona que se materializa mediante la prestación de un servicio público de carácter obligatorio. Es decir, los servicios públicos se constituyen como instrumentos para garantizar el logro de la plena vigencia y eficacia de los derechos constitucionales y por ende de la realización de los fines del Estado Social de Derecho.

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The apparent virtuosity that if could wait of the globalization and the neoliberalism has given signals of deterioration in the contractual relations, especially in contracts of mass consumption, generating innumerable offensive situations to the basic rights and the goods constitutionally protected of the contractors. In the world of today, still that it does not reveal any desire, the individual practically is compelled to contract, for force of necessities and customs completely imposed, mainly in face of the essentiality of the services or agreed to goods. Ahead of as much and unexpected changes in the civil liames and of consumption, dictated for the globalization, it comes to surface the reflection if the private law e, more specifically, the civil law, meet prepared adequately to deal with these new parameters of the economy. The present dissertation has the intention to investigate if the globalization and the consequent neoliberalism, in this beginning of third millennium, will imply to revive of the principles and the basics paradigms of the contracts that consolidated and had kept, for more than two centuries, the liberal State. One notices that the study of this phenomenon it gains importance to the measure where if it aggravates the decline of the social State (Welfare State), with the embrittlement and the loss of the autonomy of the state authority, over all in countries of delayed modernity, as it is the case of Brazil, that presents deep deficiencies to give or to promote, with a minimum of quality and efficiency, essential considered public services to the collective and that if they find consecrated in the Federal Constitution, as basic rights or as goods constitutionally protecting, the example of the health, the education, the housing, the security, the providence, the insurance, the protection the maternity, the infancy and of aged and deficient. To the end, the incidence of constant basic rights of the man in the Constitution is concluded that, in the process of interpretation of the right contractual conflicts that have as object rights or goods constitutionally proteges, in the universe of the globalized perhaps economy and of the neoliberalismo, it consists in one of the few ways - unless the only one - that still they remain to over all deal with more adequately the contractual relations, exactly that if considers the presence of clauses generalities in the scope of the legislation infraconstitutional civil and of consumption, front the private detainers of social-economic power. To be able that it matters necessarily in disequilibrium between the parts, whose realignment depends on the effect and the graduation that if it intends to confer to the basic right in game in the private relation. The Constitution, when allowing the entailing of the basic rights in the privates relations, would be assuming contours of a statute basic of all the collective, giving protection to the man against the power, if public or independently private

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The state s evolution, after its liberal and the social stages, arrives at the post-social state, also regarded as regulatory state, which, in order to accomplish the state s aims, employs indirect interventions in the economy. The new model of administration adapts principles and concepts form the private sector such as the quest for efficience and tangible results, also striving for the decentralization of state s power to improve effectiveness before the new paradigm of handling of affairs of public interest. Present state derives its legitimacy from the efficiency principle, the legitimacy of the public administration cannot be limited to an analysis of legality, but the fulfillment of the ends envisaged by the public authority on its policies. These public policies have the objective of satisfying fundamental rights of the citizens. The access to public policies set by states as a way of enjoyment of the aforementioned rights constitute a legal and demandable path of development. The creation of public policies and the access to them must abide to the efficiency principle. This access must be taken unther the principles of legal and material equality, inasmuch as the liberty and real liberty. The access must also be observed as a matter of limited resources to grant, in reality, the access and enjoyment of these rights. The demandable nature of the access to public policies binds the public authority into broadening the range of these policies to every one who needs them. Thus, in this spectrum, the role of the Regulatory State, as the legal instruments for access of public policies as a legal path to development, is analyzed in the present work

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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In a view to determining the outlines of the Freedom of Speech and to specify its contents, we face hate speech as an offensive and repulsive manifestation, particularly directed to minority groups in contemporary society. Thus, the study sought to promote, in the foreground, a study of the Freedom of Speech, in the liberal molds. Considered this way, Freedom of Speech will tend to accept hate speech as a legitimate manifestation, albeit at the injury of the victims. On the other hand, when we are dealing with the exhaustion of the liberal paradigm and the affirmation of the Welfare State, we note the recognition by the social state of the asymmetries and commitment to redistributive justice. The Freedom of Speech, warded by welfare state will tend to suffer major restrictions on its self-determination power, rejecting hate speech.

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The welfare state concepts in Eastern Europe under state socialism (1945-1990) were based on the conviction that only the state was responsible for solving all social problems. The 'bourgeois' manners of individual care were substituted by general measures in the field of labour- and family politics, as well as urban development. The experience showed however that this way of substitution was an illusion, because certain target groups were still in need of help (for example ill or handicapped children and adults, elderly people etc). Nevertheless, most of the Eastern European countries - with the exception of Yugoslavia - decided to abolish the existing forms of professional social work and the training for social workers. Instead, they invented 'surrogate structures' to manage the care for the 'needy': Various institutions and occupational groups (schools, hospitals and ambulances, employees groups etc.) took over the tasks of social workers and were trained to fulfil this as a kind of 'social practice'. Therefore, it is wrong to claim that social work was completely abolished under state socialism, But: as social work 'as such' did not exist any longer, it is more reasonable to speak of welfare state concepts, including social policy on one hand, and non- or paraprofessional social practice on the other. To characterize the effect of these welfare state concepts three parameter of interpretation seem to be useful: 'traditions', 'visions', and 'deconstructions' - embedded in a system of repression as well as incentives. Traditions: The huge 'social laboratory' that was installed was not a totally new one - it still carried on the heritage of the bygone: some bourgeois traces as well as elements out of the fascist heritage and -last but not least - the traditions of their own socialist movement. Visions: The socialist traditions included visions of social justice, the creation of a 'new mankind', a classless society, the end of exploitation and a peaceful living together of all people. Although the 'real existing socialism' has destroyed most of these visions, the power of these utopian ideas has outshined a lot of the every day’s misfortune and injustice for quite a long time. Deconstructions: The term of 'deconstruction' has a threefold meaning: the deconstruction of professional welfare, the deconstruction - in the sense of reinterpretation - of the socialist ideals such as social justice and social security, making an instrument of inclusion and exclusion out of it. And the deconstruction that is necessary to free the history of social work under state socialism from the prejudices and distorting practices, from both sides, the east and the west. In the contribution these three parameter of interpretation are applied on the following issues: The gaps in the 'overall system' of social security; working morale and education for work; mass organisations as an instrument of egalitarianism and general prevention; de-professionalisation by 'surrogating' social work; the 'transparent client'; church as refuge or 'state organ'; women’s politics as bio-politics.

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El estudio del proceso de adaptación tipológica de las arquitecturas residenciales del barrio de Benalúa, una de las áreas consolidadas más singulares de la ciudad de Alicante (España), constituye un ejemplo clave para entender el alcance que tuvieron las primeras políticas de vivienda aplicadas en ese país, con anterioridad a la redacción de los Planes Generales que, en el transcurso del siglo XX, fueron ordenando las ciudades españolas y que en el caso de Alicante coincidió con la aprobación de la primera Ley del Suelo estatal (1956). De su análisis se obtienen las conclusiones que identifican los procedimientos que, por cambios sociales, políticos, de normativa o presión del mercado inmobiliario, condicionaron la evolución de la vivienda durante siete décadas, huellas que en la actualidad vienen desapareciendo a un ritmo vertiginoso, constatando el grado de intervención del Estado y de los municipios, así como su influencia y responsabilidad en la determinación de los tipos edificatorios.

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The growing popularity of social networks, and their impact on the daily lives of consumers, contributed to news organizations marking their presence on different online platforms. In the case of Facebook, a social network that began as a personal space, it has gradually transformed into a content-sharing space (Oeldorf-Hirsch & Sundar, 2015). Nowadays, Facebook is the second most viewed website in Portugal (Alexa, 2016), and therefore, it has become crucial for Portuguese news agencies to be present on this social network. Although television continues to be the main information source in Portugal, social networks, and specifically Facebook, are increasingly important in news consumption by users (ERC, 2015). This new way of news dissemination, as well as the proliferation that these contents reach in social networks, led to news agencies exploiting these new channels, both to attract new audiences, and to redirect users to their own websites (Castillo, El-Haddad, Pfeffer, & Stempeck, 2014). Thus, it is important to understand how, and what kind of content these agencies put on their Facebook channels, as well as the strategies they use to share these same contents. This study aims to understand how the main news channels of Portuguese TV (RTP3, SIC Notícias, and TVI24) manage and use the social network Facebook to share news contents. To this end, the authors collected quantitative data of all posts placed on Facebook between February 8 and February 14 2016. Approximately 1063 posts were collected and analysed from the three Facebook pages. The results indicate that two of the three channels extensively used their Facebook pages to share and target content to their official websites. Regarding the news sources and type of media used, the three Portuguese TV news channels use similar strategies. However, in what concerns the main themes and quantity of messages per day, as well as the level of redundancy of information, the three channels manage their pages differently.

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The growing popularity of social networks, and their impact on the daily lives of consumers, contributed to news organizations marking their presence on different online platforms. In the case of Facebook, a social network that began as a personal space, it has gradually transformed into a content-sharing space (Oeldorf-Hirsch & Sundar, 2015). Nowadays, Facebook is the second most viewed website in Portugal (Alexa, 2016), and therefore, it has become crucial for Portuguese news agencies to be present on this social network. Although television continues to be the main information source in Portugal, social networks, and specifically Facebook, are increasingly important in news consumption by users (ERC, 2015). This new way of news dissemination, as well as the proliferation that these contents reach in social networks, led to news agencies exploiting these new channels, both to attract new audiences, and to redirect users to their own websites (Castillo, El-Haddad, Pfeffer, & Stempeck, 2014). Thus, it is important to understand how, and what kind of content these agencies put on their Facebook channels, as well as the strategies they use to share these same contents. This study aims to understand how the main news channels of Portuguese TV (RTP3, SIC Notícias, and TVI24) manage and use the social network Facebook to share news contents. To this end, the authors collected quantitative data of all posts placed on Facebook between February 8 and February 14 2016. Approximately 1063 posts were collected and analysed from the three Facebook pages. The results indicate that two of the three channels extensively used their Facebook pages to share and target content to their official websites. Regarding the news sources and type of media used, the three Portuguese TV news channels use similar strategies. However, in what concerns the main thematic and quantity of messages per day, as well as the level of redundancy of information, the three channels operate their pages differently.