Securing international society: Towards an English School discourse of security

English School approaches to international politics, which focus on the idea of an international society of states bound together by shared rules and norms, have not paid significant explicit attention to the study of security in international relations. This is curious given the centrality of security to the study of world politics and the recent resurgence of English School scholarship in general. This article attempts to redress this gap by locating and explicating an English School discourse of security. We argue here that there is indeed an English School discourse of security, although an important internal distinction exists here between pluralist and solidarist accounts, which focus on questions of order and justice in international society respectively. In making this argument, we also seek to explore the extent to which emerging solidarist accounts of security serve to redress the insecurity of security in international relations: the tendency of traditional security praxes to privilege the state in ways that renders individuals insecure.

'Only in the leap from the lion's head will he prove his worth':natural law and international relations

This article argues the benefits of including a theological interpretation of natural law morality within the normative discourses of international politics. It challenges the assumption of a Grotian secular natural law arguing that practical reason, in a Thomist interpretation, is better suited to the demands of international political theory. It engages with themes of agency, practical reason, and community in order to enhance the content of the post-territorial community evidenced in ethical cosmopolitan debates. Likewise, it envisions a simultaneously enhancing a rapprochement among cosmopolitan and communitarian discourses of international politics facilitated through an institutional design guided by the morality of natural law.

The vulnerable subject:beyond rationalism in international relations

International Relations remains faithful to its rationalist roots focusing on instrumental forms of power and authority to address global problems and, in the process, fail to acknowledge a sense of vulnerability permeating the global community. This book challenges such assumptions establishing an account of international politics that draws on the ethical assumptions of agonism. it highlights the inherent struggle associated with individual and community based engagement to address this struggle. While it does not offer one single mode of engagement to overcome vulnerability per se, it hopes to elicit a series of reactions, on the part of the reader, provoking grater reflection on the nature of such shared vulnerabilities thereby challenging the dominance of rationalist assumptions.

Margaret Thatcher, Dress and the Politics of Fashion

Through Margaret Thatcher’s private and public performances, the micro-politics of dress translated into the macro-politics of power. Thatcher’s changing career can be traced through her dress (see Young 1991: 416-417); analysis of her dress leading up to and during her Premiership reveals both her aspirations and increasing power. Understanding of Thatcher’s agency in her embodied, dressed performances can be informed and developed through Butler’s (1999) conceptualization of performativity. Through adaptation, repetition and divergent dress, Thatcher constructed different identities, some of which became iconic symbols of her self and her politics. Examination of Thatcher’s dress refines the understanding of the relationship between constraints and agency experienced by actors in the public realm. Upon becoming party leader, Margaret Thatcher’s gender, class and ideological viewpoints were incongruent with her unprecedented political status and she faced many challenges in attempting to overcome this. Dress became a potentially destabilising focus for her critics and symbolic of her “outsider” status. Yet in the face of these challenges she recognized and learned from the expectations of others, adapting and changing her dress. However, this was not an instantaneous, complete or permanent transformation. What Thatcher achieved, as she crafted her dressed performances, was agency over a further aspect of her life and her politics. There was also an evolving alignment of her dress with her political ideology and domestic and international roles over time.

Gaddafi and Libya : a case for just intervention?

Full militaristic intervention cannot be justified on the grounds that this is a ‘just war’. We are then left with the option to intervene militarily in a smaller way or not to intervene militarily at all.

Globally networked public spheres? The Australian media reaction to WikiLeaks

The global release of 250,000 US Embassy diplomatic cables to selected media sites worldwide through the WikiLeaks website, was arguably the major global media event of 2010. As well as the implications of the content of the cables for international politics and diplomacy, the actions of WikiLeaks and its controversial editor-in-chief, the Australian Julian Assange, bring together a range of arguments about how the media, news and journalism are being transformed in the 21st century. This paper will focus on the reactions of Australian online news media sites to the release of the diplomatic cables by WikiLeaks, including both the online sites of established news outlets such as The Australian, Sydney Morning Herald and The Age, the ABC’s The Drum site, and online-only sites such as Crikey, New Matilda and On Line Opinion. The study focuses on opinion and commentary rather than straight news reportage, and analysis is framed around three issues: WikiLeaks and international diplomacy; implications of WikiLeaks for journalism; and WikiLeaks and democracy, including debates about the organisation and the ethics of its own practice. It also whether a “WikiLeaks Effect” has wider implications for how journalism is conducted in the future, particularly the method of ‘redaction’ of large amounts of computational data.

Security and the War on Terror

The terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 marked a turning point in international politics, representing a new type of threat that could not easily be anticipated or prevented through state-based structures of security alone. Opening up interdisciplinary conversations between strategic, economic, ethical and legal approaches to global terrorism, this edited book recognises a fundamental issue: while major crises initially tend to reinforce old thinking and behavioural patterns, they also allow societies to challenge and overcome entrenched habits, thereby creating the foundations for a new and perhaps more peaceful future. This volume addresses the issues that are at stake in this dual process of political closure, and therefore rethinks how states can respond to terrorist threats. The contributors range from leading conceptual theorists to policy-oriented analysts, from senior academics to junior researchers. The book explores how terrorism has had a profound impact on how security is being understood and implemented, and uses a range of hitherto neglected sources of insight, such as those between political, economic, legal and ethical factors, to examine the nature and meaning of security in a rapidly changing world.

Meillä ei ole ikuisia ystäviä eikä ikuisia vihollisia. Ikuisia ovat meidän omat etumme. : Suomen suhteet Kiinan kansantasavaltaan 1949 - 1989

"We have neither Eternal Friends nor Eternal Enemies. We have only Eternal Interests .Finland's Relations with China 1949-1989 The study focuses on the relations between Finland and the People s Republic of China from 1949-1989 and examines how a small country became embroiled in international politics, and how, at the same time, international politics affected Finnish-Chinese relations and Finland s China policy formulation. The study can be divided into three sections: relations during the early years, 1949-1960, before the Chinese and Soviet rift became public; the relations during the passive period during the 1960s and 1970s; and the impact of China s Open Door policy on Finland s China policy from 1978-1989. The diplomatically challenging events around Tiananmen Square and the reactions which followed in Finland bring the study to a close. Finland was among the first Western countries to recognise the People s Republic and to establish diplomatic relations with her, thereby giving Finland an excellent position from which to further develop good relations. Finland was also the first Western country to sign a trade agreement with China. These two factors meant that Finland was able to enjoy a special status with China during the 1950s. The special status was further strengthened by the systematic support of the government of Finland for China's UN membership. The solid reputation earned in the 1950s had to carry Finland all the way through to the 1980s. For the two decades in between, during the passive policy period of the 1960s and 1970s, relations between Finland and the Soviet Union also determined the state of foreign relations with China. Interestingly, however, it appeared that President Urho Kekkonen was encouraged by Ambassador Joel Toivola to envisage a more proactive policy towards China, but the Cultural Revolution cut short any such plan for nearly twenty years. Because of the Soviet Union, Finland held on to her passive China policy, even though no such message was ever received from the Soviet Union. In fact, closer relationships between Finland and China were encouraged through diplomatic channels. It was not until the presidency of Mauno Koivisto that the first high-level ministerial visit was made to China when, in 1984, Foreign Minister Paavo Väyrynen visited the People s Republic. Finnish-Chinese relations were lifted to a new level. Foreign Minister Väyrynen, however, was forced to remove the prejudices of the Chinese. In 1985, when the Speaker of the Finnish Parliament, Erkki Pystynen visited China he also discovered that Finland s passive China policy had caused misunderstandings amongst the Chinese politicians. The number of exchanges escalated in the wake of the ground-breaking visit by Foreign Minister Väyrynen: Prime Minister Kalevi Sorsa visited China in 1986 and President Koivisto did so in 1988. President Koivisto stuck to practical, China-friendly policies: his correspondence with Li Peng, the attitude taken by the Finnish government after the Tiananmen Square events and the subsequent choices made by his administration all pointed to a new era in relations with China.

Identiteettien maisemat Saskatchewanin Uudessa Suomessa : Uudisasutuksesta uusidentifikaatioon

The present study examines how the landscape of the rural immigrant colony of New Finland (Saskatchewan, Canada) has reflected the Finnish origins of the about 350 settlers and their descendants, their changing ideologies, values, sense of collectiveness and the meanings of the Finnish roots. The study also reveals the reasons and power structures behind the ethnic expressions. Researched time period runs from the beginning of the settlement in 1888 to the turn of the millennium. The research concentrates on buildings, cemeteries, personal names and place names which contain strong visual and symbolic messages and are all important constituents of mundane landscapes. For example, the studied personal names are important identity-political indexes telling about the value of the Finnish nationalism, community spirit, dual Finnish-Canadian identities and also the process of assimilation which, for example, had differences between genders. The study is based on empirical field research, and iconographical and textual interpretations supported by classifications and comparative analyses. Several interviews and literature were essential means of understanding the changing political contexts which influenced the Finnish settlement and its multiple landscape representations. Five historical landscape periods were identified in New Finland. During these periods the meanings and representations of Finnish identity changed along with national and international politics and local power structures. For example, during the Second World War Canada discouraged representations of Finnish culture because Finland and Canada were enemies. But Canada s multicultural policy in the 1980s led to several material and symbolic representations indicating the Finnish settlement after a period of assimilation and deinstitutionalization. The study shows how these representations were indications of the politics of a (selective) memory. Especially Finnish language, cultural traditions and the Evangelical-Lutheran values of the pioneers, which have been passed down to new generations, are highly valued part of the Finnish heritage. Also the work of the pioneers and their participation in the building of Saskatchewan is an important collective narrative. The selectiveness of a memory created the landscape of forgetting which includes deliberately forgotten parts of the history. For example, the occasional disputes between the congregations are something that has been ignored. The results show how the different landscape elements can open up a useful perspective to diaspora colonies or other communities also by providing information which otherwise would be indistinguishable. In this case, for example, two cemeteries close together were a sign of religious distributions among the early settlers.

Liberdade e identidade: uma abordagem filosófica acerca da proteção à diversidade cultural nas democracias liberais

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar os conceitos de liberdade e identidade através da proposta de um "liberalismo cultural", apresentada pelo filósofo canadense Will Kymlicka, tal como defendida em suas obras Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (1995), Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship (2001) e Multicultural Odysseys. Navigatingthe New International Politics of Diversity (2007). Através dessas leituras, buscou-se compreender em particular de que modo a língua e o território se configuram como elementos definidores das culturas de povos nacionais e étnicos que empenham suas lutas para garantir a permanência desses atributos, tanto em nível doméstico como no plano internacional, a fim de assegurar a singularidade de seus modos de vida e de suas visões de mundo, enquanto grupos diferenciados. Para tanto, tornou-se fundamental a realização de uma análise crítica do processo de construção nacional dos Estados modernos, como um projeto levado a cabo por parte de inúmeros países na modernidade com o intuito de promover a unidade nacional de seus Estados, através da invisibilização das expressões culturais e da participação política de grupos culturalmente minoritários. Ao final, desenvolve-se uma pequena reflexão sobre como esse debate pode contribuir para uma melhor compreensão acerca das reivindicações de populações indígenas e remanescentes de quilombos no Brasil pela regularização de seus territórios e reconhecimento de suas práticas culturais.

Eurasian integration as a way to respond to global challenges

510 p.

El comportamiento estatal en los Juegos Olímpicos durante la Guerra Fría y Posguerra Fria: Una análisis desde el realismo neoclásico de Relaciones Internacionales.

342 p.

A política criminal de drogas do Brasil e da Colômbia: uma análise comparativa

O objetivo deste trabalho é estudar de maneira comparada o impacto da política internacional de drogas no Brasil e na Colômbia, analisando a maneira como estes países têm adotado as diretrizes internacionais estabelecidas, adaptando-as de maneira distorcida a sua própria realidade. De igual maneira se analisa como dita política internacional, contrariando seus objetivos, tem estimulado o desenvolvimento de um mercado ilegal de drogas ilícitas na região, com o qual tem aumentado a violência e os problemas causados pela dependência a estas substâncias. Para alcançar os objetivos propostos, antes, faze-se, de maneira específica, uma breve análise da evolução da política internacional sobre drogas e, em termos gerais, da política criminal, para o qual se distingue os discursos que a compõem e o contexto social em que estes se reproduzem; em outras palavras, distinguindo a ideologia da realidade que aquela modifica. Portanto, resulta imprescindível começar qualquer estudo de política criminal sem passar por sua fonte que é o Estado. Nesse sentido, a tese central deste estudo é que de maneira similar como acontece com o Estado, a política criminal de drogas se constitui numa ideologia que cria a realidade que a sustenta, ocultando as relações de poder que há por detrás da política internacional de drogas; em outras palavras, a política internacional de drogas adotada pelo Brasil e pela Colômbia produz os males que ela pretende combater. Por último, este trabalho pretende mostrar que o debate sobre as drogas ilícitas vá além duma simples questão da ciência criminal ou o direito penal. Um debate, que parta da realidade da política criminal de drogas e de sua ideologia, leva a romper com o pensamento tradicional sustentado no saber-poder que a sustenta, e que há permitido sua acolhida no contexto tanto brasileiro como colombiano, apesar de tratar-se de realidades diferentes em quanto ao tráfico e o consumo das drogas ilícitas.

O político como ação comunicativa: os direitos humanos econômicos e sociais sob a perspectiva da justiça internacional

O objetivo dessa dissertação é abordar os direitos humanos, problematizando um dos aspectos constitutivos da sua definição, a saber, uma suposta imanência que se manifestaria através da evidência desses direitos. Questiona-se essa característica com base na ideia de que os direitos humanos, como um discurso político que visa garantir a dignidade humana dos indivíduos, possuem uma aceitação relativamente universal e que tal consenso encontra-se estruturado por um entendimento liberal de direitos. O processo de difusão dos direitos humanos enquanto normas internacionais é compreendido como uma forma de socialização. Esse processo de expansão hegemônica para o que o emprego da força não é preciso. Isso será feito através da articulação dos trabalhos de Jürgen Habermas sobre a ação comunicativa e de Gabriel Tarde sobre a propagação das ideias e padrões sociais.

Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future of Global Order

Booth, Ken, Dunne, T., Worlds in Collision: Terror and the Future of Global Order (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp.x+376 RAE2008