Vaikea vapaus : sosialidemokratian häviö kirkolle Suomen kulttuuritaistelussa

Summary: A difficult freedom : social democracy's defeat to the church in the Finnish cultural struggle

A Qualitative Exploration of the Psychological Contents and Dynamics of Momentum in Sport

While studies on triggers and outcomes of Psychological Momentum (PM) exist, little is known about the dynamics by which PM emerges and develops over time. Based on video-assisted recalls of PM experiences in table tennis and swimming competitions, this research qualitatively explored the triggering processes, contents, and the development of PM over time. PM was found to be triggered by mechanisms of dissonance, consonance, or fear of not winning. During the PM experience, participants reported a variety of perceptions, affects and emotions, cognitions, and behaviors, and PM was found to develop through processes of amplification that sometimes ended with a reduction of efforts when the victory or defeat was perceived as certain. These findings are discussed in light of theories on self-regulation and reactance-helplessness. From a practical standpoint, achievement goal-based strategies are suggested, since mastery-approach goals were found to be endorsed to maintain positive PM and overcome negative PM

Lobbying: a Citizen's Guide, March 6, 2013

Lobbying is encouraging the passage, defeat, or modification of legislation. Lobbyists convey views and information to legislators in order to persuade them to act upon an idea for legislation. This is a guide to citizens about lobbying In Iowa.

Paranoia and post-traumatic stress disorder in the months after a physical assault: a longitudinal study examining shared and differential predictors.

Background: Being physically assaulted is known to increase the risk of the occurrence of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms but it may also skew judgements about the intentions of other people. The objectives of the study were to assess paranoia and PTSD after an assault and to test whether theory-derived cognitive factors predicted the persistence of these problems. Method: At 4 weeks after hospital attendance due to an assault, 106 people were assessed on multiple symptom measures (including virtual reality) and cognitive factors from models of paranoia and PTSD. The symptom measures were repeated 3 and 6 months later. Results: Factor analysis indicated that paranoia and PTSD were distinct experiences, though positively correlated. At 4 weeks, 33% of participants met diagnostic criteria for PTSD, falling to 16% at follow-up. Of the group at the first assessment, 80% reported that since the assault they were excessively fearful of other people, which over time fell to 66%. Almost all the cognitive factors (including information-processing style during the trauma, mental defeat, qualities of unwanted memories, self-blame, negative thoughts about self, worry, safety behaviours, anomalous internal experiences and cognitive inflexibility) predicted later paranoia and PTSD, but there was little evidence of differential prediction. Conclusions: Paranoia after an assault may be common and distinguishable from PTSD but predicted by a strikingly similar range of factors.

Japani vuonna nolla

Artikkeli esittelee teoksen: Embracing defeat : Japan in the aftermath of the World War II / John D. Dower. London, 2000.

Military crisis management in the next decade (2020-2030) : inducing consent or relying on compliance?

The most outstanding conceptual challenge of modern crisis management is the principle of consent. It is not a problem only at the operational level - it challenges the entire decision-making structures of crisis management operations. In post-cold war times and especially in the 21st century, there has been a transition from peacekeeping with limited size and scope towards large and complex peace operations. This shift has presented peace operations with a dilemma. How to balance between maintaining consent for peace operations, whilst being able to use military force to coerce those attempting to wreck peace processes? To address such a dilemma, this research aims to promote understanding, on what can be achieved by military crisis management operations (peace support operations) in the next decade. The research concentrates on the focal research question: Should military components induce consent or rely on the compliance of conflicting parties in crisis management operations of the next decade (2020 – 2030)? The focus is on military – political strategic level considerations, and especially on the time before political decisions to commit to a crisis management operation. This study does not focus on which actor or organisation should intervene. The framework of this thesis derives from the so called ‘peacebuilding space’, the scope of peace operations and spoiler theory. Feasibility of both peace enforcement and peacekeeping in countering future risk conditions are analysed in this framework. This future-orientated qualitative research uses the Delphi-method with a panel of national and international experts. Citation analysis supports identification of relevant reference material, which consists of contemporary literature, the Delphi-questionnaires and interviews. The research process followed three main stages. In the first stage, plausible future scenarios and risk conditions were identified with the Delphi-panel. In the second stage, operating environments for peace support operations were described and consequent hypotheses formulated. In the third stage, these hypotheses were tested on the Delphi-panel. The Delphi-panel is sufficiently wide and diverse to produce plausible yet different insights. The research design utilised specifically military crisis management and peace operations theories. This produced various and relevant normative considerations. Therefore, one may argue that this research; which is based on accepted contemporary theory, hypotheses derived thereof and utilising an expert panel, contributes to the realm of peace support operations. This research finds that some degree of peace enforcement will be feasible and necessary in at least the following risk conditions: failed governance; potential spillover of ethnic, religious, ideological conflict; vulnerability of strategic chokepoints and infrastructures in ungoverned spaces; as well as in territorial and extra-territorial border disputes. In addition, some form of peace enforcement is probably necessary in risk conditions pertaining to: extremism of marginalised groups; potential disputes over previously uninhabited and resource-rich territories; and interstate rivalry. Furthermore, this research finds that peacekeeping measures will be feasible and necessary in at least risk conditions pertaining to: potential spillover of ethnic, religious, ideological conflict; uncontrolled migration; consequences from environmental catastrophes or changes; territorial and extra-territorial border disputes; and potential disputes over previously uninhabited and resource-rich territories. These findings are all subject to both generic and case specific preconditions that must exist for a peace support operation. Some deductions could be derived from the research findings. Although some risk conditions may appear illogical, understanding the underlying logic of a conflict is fundamental to understanding transition in crisis management. Practitioners of crisis management should possess cognizance of such transition. They must understand how transition should occur from threat to safety, from conflict to stability – and so forth. Understanding transition is imperative for managing the dynamic evolution of preconditions, which begins at the outset of a peace support operation. Furthermore, it is pertinent that spoilers are defined from a peace process point of view. If spoilers are defined otherwise, it changes the nature of an operation towards war, where the logic is breaking the will of an enemy - and surrender. In peace support operations, the logic is different: actions towards spoilers are intended to cause transition towards consent - not defeat. Notwithstanding future developments, history continues to provide strategic education. However, the distinction is that the risk conditions occur in novel futures. Hence, lessons learned from the past should be fitted to the case at hand. This research shows compelling evidence that swaying between intervention optimism and pessimism is not substantiated. Both peace enforcement and peacekeeping are sine qua non for successful military crisis management in the next decade.

Strike hard, strike sure - Operation Musketeer : British military planning during the Suez Crisis, 1956

Operation Musketeer, a combined joint Anglo-French operation aimed at regaining control of the Suez Canal in 1956, has received much attention from scholars. The most common approach to the crisis has been to examine the political dimension. The political events that led Prime Minister Anthony Eden’s cabinet to decide to use military force against the wishes of their superior American ally and in the face of American economic pressure and a Soviet threat to attack Paris and London with rockets have been analysed thoroughly. This is particularly the case because the ceasefire and eventual withdrawal were an indisputable defeat of British policy in the Middle East. The military operation not only ruined Prime Minister Eden’s career, but it also diminished the prestige of Britain. It was the beginning of the end, some claim. The British Empire would never be the same. As the consequences of using force are generally considered more important than the military operations themselves, very little attention has been paid to the military planning of Operation Musketeer. The difference between the number of publications on Operation Corporate of the Falklands War and Operation Musketeer is striking. Not only has there been little previous research on the military aspects of Musketeer, the conclusions drawn in the existing works have not reached a consensus. Some historians, such as Correlli Barnett, compare Musketeer to the utter failures of the Tudor landings and Gallipoli. Among significant politicians, Winston Churchill, who had retired from the prime ministership only a year before the Suez Crisis, described the operation as “the most ill-conceived and ill-executed imaginable”. Colin McInnes, a well-known author on British defence policy, represents the middle view when he describes the execution as “far from failure”. Finally, some, like Julian Thompson, the Commander of 3 Commando Brigade during the Falklands War, rate the military action itself as being successful. The interpretation of how successful the handling of the Suez Crisis was from the military point of view depends very much on the approach taken and the areas emphasised in the subject. Frequently, military operations are analysed in isolation from other events. The action of a country’s armed forces is separated from the wider context and evaluated without a solid point of comparison. Political consequences are often used as validated criteria, and complicated factors contributing to military performance are ignored. The lack of comprehensive research on the military action has left room for an analysis concentrating on the military side of the crisis.

„Und frei erklär' ich alle meine Knechte“ : Höflichkeit als Ausdruck sozialer Utopie in Schillers Drama Wilhelm Tell.

My dissertation is an interdisciplinary study of the relationship between the Swiss peasants and nobles in Friedrich Schiller’s play Wilhelm Tell (1804). Changes to this relationship are of particular interest. Communication in the play is examined via a micro-analysis based on Penelope Brown’s and Stephen C. Levinson’s theoretical framework Politeness: Some universals in language usage. (1978, 1987). Brown and Levinson distinguish between positivepoliteness and negative-politeness strategies and their distinction is useful for my argument, since they claim that the use of positive-politeness strategies reflects the speaker’s intention to minimize the distance between the interlocutors (Brown and Levinson 1987: 103). Negative-politeness strategies, by contrast, result in social distancing (Brown and Levinson 1987: 130). In accordance with Brown’s and Levinson’s theory, it can be argued that the distribution of positive-politeness and negative-politeness strategies reflects changes in the distance between the fictional interlocutors as representatives of their social classes in Wilhelm Tell. The analysis of the communication in the play highlights that existing conflicts within the social groups are resolved and replaced with solidarity (cf. ‘Claim ’common ground’ and ‘Claim in-group membership with H’) before the peasants and noblemen appear on stage simultaneously in III, 3. In the scene in question, Geßler forces Tell to shoot the apple off his son’s head. Although both nobles and peasants are present, they do not communicate with each other. Thus, communication between the social classes occurs for the first time in IV, 2. This scene is crucial with regard to the changes in the relationship between the social classes in the play. The younger generation, with Rudenz as a representative of the nobility and Melchthal as a representative of the peasants, break with the prevailing conventions and initiate a new type of cooperation based on mutual helping and equality in the right and the duty to protect the country from the violent oppressors representing Habsburg (cf. ‘Convey that S and H are cooperators’, ‘Claim reflexivity’ and ‘Claim reciprocity’). The linguistic analysis reveals the crucial role of the Swiss nobility in the development of the social utopia, as well as the non-contribution of Wilhelm Tell. In fact, Tell never communicates with the Swiss noblemen. The role of the nobility and the role of Wilhelm Tell are further investigated in a comparison between Schiller’s Wilhelm Tell and four of Schiller’s historical sources. These sources, which contain earlier, non-dramatic versions of the establishment of the Swiss Confederation, are the following: Kronica von der loblichen Eydtgnoschaft compiled by Petermann Etterlin (1507), Gemeiner loblicher Eydgnoschafft Stetten Landen vnd Völckeren Chronik wirdiger thaaten beschreybung (1548) written by Johann Stumpf, Chronicon Helveticum of Aegidius Tschudi (the publication of Iselin from 1734 and 1736) and Johannes von Müller’s Geschichten schweizerischer Eidgenossenschaft (1786). Thecomparison sheds light on the fact that both Tschudi and von Müller emphasize unity among the Swiss and cooperation in their attempt to defeat the enemy. However, Schiller has reinforced the role of the nobility in the cooperation. In addition, the comparison between Schiller’s play and the historical sources reveals profound differences with regard to the role of Wilhelm Tell. In all of Schiller’s sources, Tell is present at Rütli, whereas he is absent from Rütli in Schiller’s play. In the play in general, Tell is conspicuously separated from the other peasants. Explanations of my linguistic results, which correspond to the above mentioned differences between the roles of the figures in Wilhelm Tell and the depictions in Schiller’s sources, are found by comparing the path of Schiller’s Swiss towards an egalitarian perspective with the kind of social evolution depicted by the German philosopher Johann Benjamin Erhard in his essay Über das Recht des Volks zu einer Revolution (1795). Aiming at considering Schiller’s social utopia within the larger cultural framework of the German response to the French Revolution, the comparison suggests that both authors depict the need for social change in terms of a change in social hierarchies (Erhard 1970: 95-96, cf. Foi 2005: 225). Erhard’s essay thus helps explain the political intention of Schiller’s play to keep the ideals of the French Revolution as crucial aims but profoundly change the means towards freedom and equality. In his attempt to claim the political resistance of the nobles and peasants as just, however, Schiller sacrificed the figure of Wilhelm Tell. Guilty of the murder of Geßler, Tell was no longer suitable for the righteous revolution imagined by Schiller (cf. Bloch 2008: 215 and Schulz 2005: 228). This explains Tell’s absence in the Rütli scene, his isolation in the plot, as well as his non-contribution to the social utopia. Together, the linguistic analysis and contextualisation of Schiller’s play support my hypothesis that Wilhelm Tell describes a process of change in the relationship between peasants and nobles. The interdisciplinary approach to the topic proved to be fruitful for all areas of the research involved.

Sotamuistomerkki Suomessa. Voiton ja tappion modaalista sovittelua

Väitöskirjani tarjoaa laajasti tietoa sotamuistomerkeistä koko Suomen alueelta. Työ purkaa suomalaisten sotamuistomerkkien ilmaisutapoja ja modaalisia keinoja, joilla taideteokset sovittelevat voitetun tai hävityn sodan tarinaa ja kokemuksellisia jännitteitä toisiinsa. Suurin osa analyysin kohteena olevista taideteoksista on pystytetty Suomen itsenäisyyden ajalla vapaudenpatsaiksi tai sankarihautojen, taisteluiden ja vakaumuksensa puolesta kuolleiden muistomerkeiksi. Tutkimus painottuu voiton ideologian vaikutukseen sotakuvaston muotoutumisessa. Avainkysymyksiä ovat, miten sotamuistomerkki viestittää poliittis-ideologisia tavoitteita tai miten muistomerkkien figuurien asennot, eleet ja attribuutit välittävät sotatarinan yhteisöllisiä sisältöjä. Tutkimus tarkentuu teosten modaalisiin piirteisiin ja merkityksenmuodostuksen vuorovaikutteisuuteen. Erikoishuomion kohteena ovat aiheiden sisällölliset ristiriidat ja ilmaisun murtumakohdat. Suurten teosmäärien ja aihetyyppien jaottelussa ja analysoimisessa on hyödynnetty ikonografian, kuvaretoriikan ja eleiden tutkimusta. Suomalaisen aineiston vertailukohtina ovat antiikin sotilasaiheinen taide, keskiaikainen Kristuksen kärsimyskuvasto sekä sotamuistomerkkiperinne Saksassa, Ranskassa, Yhdistyneessä kuningaskunnassa ja Amerikan yhdysvalloissa. Sotien muistokultin merkitysten avaamisessa käytetään diskurssianalyysin välineitä. Tutkimus osoittaa, että sotamuistomerkit rakentavat yhteisön turvallisuudentunnetta ja muokkaavat sotilasimagoa maskuliinisten ideaalien ja implisiittisen vihollis- tai vastakuvan varassa. Kansallisen paatoksen ohessa sotamuistomerkit vahvistavat sotilaiden aseveliaatetta ja luovat kuvaa rikkumattomasta yhteishengestä sekä kotirintamasta. Teokset tulkitsevat valmistumisaikansa usein ristiriitaista tunneilmapiiriä ja tulevaisuuden odotuksia sekä neuvottelevat paikallisesta erityisyydestä ja valtakysymyksistä. Veistosten modaaliset keinot suhteessa toimijarooleihin, kuten autonomisuuden korostus, tunteenomainen toiseen tukeutuminen tai sodan velvoitteisiin suuntautuminen perustuvat yleensä figuurien asentoihin. Sen sijaan figuurien eleet ja attribuutit, tärkeimpinä kypärä, ase, univormu ja lumipuku, tarkentavat suuntautumisen tavoitetta ja ideologista sanomaa. Koska sodassa on kyse vaikeasti käsiteltävistä väkivaltakulttuurin ilmiöistä, muistomerkeillä on hämärretty ja muokattu kuvaa historian tapahtumista. Siten teosten välittämät ideat uhrivalmiudesta ja tunteiden hillinnän velvoitteesta auttavat sotatraumojen ja surun kanavoimisessa sekä purkavat tapahtumiin liittyvää häpeää.

Naisjohtajat – miksi heitä ei ole ja mitä siitä? - miesjohtajien ja ei-johtavassa asemassa olevien naisten näkemyksiä case-yritys x:ssä

Joidenkin tutkimusten mukaan naisten vähäinen määrä johdossa voi olla uhka organisaatiolle. Lasikattoilmiöllä tarkoitetaan naisten urakehityksen katkeamista tietylle tasolle ylimmän johdon alapuolelle ikään kuin naisten ja tuon ylimmän tason välissä olisi lasinen, näkymätön katto, sukupuolistereotypioiden muodostama este. Yksi yleinen lasikaton selitysten kolmijako on henkilökohtaiset, organisatoriset ja yhteiskunnalliset tekijät. (Lämsä & Hautala 2004, 252). Hoyt (2007, 270-278) tekee kolmijaon seuraavasti: inhimillinen pääoma, sukupuolierot ja ennakkoluulot. Yritys X:n keskijohdossa työskentelee yksi nainen, ylimmässä johdossa ei yhtäkään. Tutkimuksessa halu-taan selvittää miesjohtajien ja ei-johtavassa asemassa olevien naisten käsitystä siitä, onko yritys x:ssä lasi-kattoa, miksi naisjohtajia on niin vähän ja "mitä siitä" ts. onko mitään ongelmaa olemassakaan. Tässä tutkimuksessa pohditaan diskurssianalyysin keinoin, miten yritys X:ssä puhutaan naisjohtajuusaiheesta, millai-seksi sukupuolen merkitys työelämässä määritellään ja mitä ajatellaan naisten kykenevyydestä johtajiksi. Naturalisoiva diskurssi oli vahva niin miesjohtajien ja ei-johtavassa asemassa olevien naisten puheessa. Sen lisäksi hahmotellaan familistista, empiiristä, humanistista ja historiallista diskurssia naisjohtajuuspuheesta. Diskurssien yhteenkietominen hegemonisoimisstrategiana kuvaa tapaa, jolla palasia muista diskursseista käytetään tukemaan tiettyä toista diskurssia (Jokinen et al. 1993c, 95) Miesjohtajien puheessa naisten keskeiset, ominaisuudet - liiallinen tarkkuus ja huolellisuus yhdistettynä epävarmuuteen - ovat ongelmallisia johtajanuran kannalta. Jos näistä johtajuuden kannalta negatiivisista ominaisuuksista ei jostain syystä kuitenkaan muodostuisi uralla etenemisen estettä, äitiys ja perheellisyys "luonnollisesti" tekee tämän. Aiheet myös kietoutuvat yhteen: äitiys ja vastuu perheestä lisäävät naisten huolellisuutta, tarkkuutta ja epävarmuutta entisestään. Lisäksi äitiyslomat ja työhön käytettävissä oleva aika ja puut-tuva halu käyttää elämästä iso osa uranluomiseen ovat johtajaksi etenemisen esteitä. Miesjohtajien mukaan tämä on jossain määrin ongelma, kun heterogeenisyyttä johtamiseen kuitenkin tarvittaisiin, mutta loppujen lopuksi kuitenkin melko epäkiinnostava ja pieni ongelma; ongelma ei miesten mielestä johdu miesten tai yhteiskunnallisista asenteista, vaan naisista itsestään ja he tarvitsevat uralla edetäkseen tukea, rohkaisua ja henkilöstöpankkeja, joita miesjohtajat voivat tuottaa. Johtaminen ylipäänsä ei ole miesjohtajien mielestä hirveän kiinnostavaa. Jos naiset (kaikesta edellä sanotusta huolimatta) etenevät yritysten johtoon, eivät he tule siellä toimeen keskenään. Kaiken kaikkiaan koko naisjohtajuusaihe ei ole kovin kiinnostava ja naisjohtajuuden vähäisyyden (mahdollisen) ongelman ratkaisee aika uuden, tasa-arvoisemman sukupolven myötä. Naishaastateltujen näkökulmasta sen sijaan naisilla on pyrkyä johtotehtäviin - joskaan ei samassa määrin kuin miehillä. Naishaastateltujen mukaan miehet suosivat toisiaan työelämässä ja naiset kohtaavat asenteita, joita vastaan joutuvat taistelemaan ja tästä syystä johtajien joukossa on niin vähän naisia. Historialliset tekijät pitävät asenteita yllä. Perheellisyys on naisille suurempi uraeste kuin miehille, "luonnollisesti". Naishaastateltujen mielestä naisten vähäisyys johdossa on merkittävä ongelma, koska naisilla on erityislaatuisia ominaisuuksia, joista olisi hyötyä tehtävässä. Naishaastateltujen puheessa miesten ominaisuuksia vastaavasti vähäteltiin. Naisjohtajien vähäisyyden ongelmalle ei naishaastateltujen mielestä kuitenkaan ole tehtävissä paljonkaan: miesten ja yhteiskunnan asenteiden pitäisi muuttua, mutta keinoja tähän ei esitetä, sen sijaan naisten itsensä pitäisi vain "yrittää vielä kovemmin".

School funding and education policy-making models in Ontario /

The purpose of this thesis is to examine various policy implementation models, and to determine what use they are to a government. In order to insure that governmental proposals are created and exercised in an effective manner, there roust be some guidelines in place which will assist in resolving difficult situations. All governments face the challenge of responding to public demand, by delivering the type of policy responses that will attempt to answer those demands. The problem for those people in positions of policy-making responsibility is to balance the competitive forces that would influence policy. This thesis examines provincial government policy in two unique cases. The first is the revolutionary recommendations brought forth in the Hall -Dennis Report. The second is the question of extending full -funding to the end of high school in the separate school system. These two cases illustrate how divergent and problematic the policy-making duties of any government may be. In order to respond to these political challenges decision-makers must have a clear understanding of what they are attempting to do. They must also have an assortment of policy-making models that will insure a policy response effectively deals with the issue under examination. A government must make every effort to insure that all policymaking methods are considered, and that the data gathered is inserted into the most appropriate model. Currently, there is considerable debate over the benefits of the progressive individualistic education approach as proposed by the Hall -Dennis Committee. This debate is usually intensified during periods of economic uncertainty. Periodically, the province will also experience brief yet equally intense debate on the question of separate school funding. At one level, this debate centres around the efficiency of maintaining two parallel education systems, but the debate frequently has undertones of the religious animosity common in Ontario's history. As a result of the two policy cases under study we may ask ourselves these questions: a) did the policies in question improve the general quality of life in the province? and b) did the policies unite the province? In the cases of educational instruction and finance the debate is ongoing and unsettling. Currently, there is a widespread belief that provincial students at the elementary and secondary levels of education are not being educated adequately to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. The perceived culprit is individual education which sees students progressing through the system at their own pace and not meeting adequate education standards. The question of the finance of Catholic education occasionally rears its head in a painful fashion within the province. Some public school supporters tend to take extension as a personal religious defeat, rather than an opportunity to demonstrate that educational diversity can be accommodated within Canada's most populated province. This thesis is an attempt to analyze how successful provincial policy-implementation models were in answering public demand. A majority of the public did not demand additional separate school funding, yet it was put into place. The same majority did insist on an examination of educational methods, and the government did put changes in place. It will also demonstrate how policy if wisely created may spread additional benefits to the public at large. Catholic students currently enjoy a much improved financial contribution from the province, yet these additional funds were taken from somewhere. The public system had it funds reduced with what would appear to be minimal impact. This impact indicates that government policy is still sensitive to the strongly held convictions of those people in opposition to a given policy.

Salivary testosterone and cortisol : role of athletic setting, game outcome, and game location /

Many studies investigating the relationship between hormones and competition have focused on athletic competition. The athletic setting enables r researchers to investigate the hormone-behaviour relationship in a relatively controlled environment. However, research to date has been based on observations made from single status contests and/or weekend tournaments and as such, does not provide a clear picture of an individual's average hormonal responses to both victory and defeat. In appreciation of this limitation, the current study tracked elite hockey players throughout a hockey season, measuring pre- and post-game salivary testosterone and Cortisol as well as psychological measures. I was interested in determining whether status outcome (win vs. loss) would influence an individual's testosterone and Cortisol responses to competition. Furthermore, I was also interested in assessing whether testosterone and Cortisol responses were specific to the competitive environment or whether similar hormonal responses would occur during non-competitive practice sessions. Last, I was interested in whether there were any differences in pre-game hormonal and psychological states depending on where the status contest was held: home versus away. The results indicated that game outcome moderated the testosterone responses to competition. That is, testosterone increased significantly more after a victory compared to a defeat. Furthermore, a loss of status produced significantly hreports, the players did not show an anticipatory rise in either Cortisol or testosterone prior to competition. In addition to the effects of status outcome on hormonal levels, it was also found that these hormonal responses were specific to competition. The athletes in the current study did not demonstrate any hormonal responses to the practice sessions. Last, there were significant differences in pre-game testosterone as well as in selfconfidence, cognitive, and somatic anxiety levels depending on the location at which the status contest took place. Pre-game testosterone and self-confidence levels were significantly higher prior to games played in the home venue. In contrast, pre-game somatic and cognitive anxiety levels were significantly higher prior to games played in the away venue. The current findings add to the developing literature on the relationship between hormones and competition. This was the first study to detect a moderating effect of status outcome on testosterone responses in a team sport. Furthermore, this was also the first study in humans to demonstrate that post-contest Cortisol levels were significantly higher after a loss of status. Last, the current study also adds to the sport psychology literature by demonstrating that pre-game psychological variables differ depending on where the status contest is being held: higher self-confidence at home and higher somatic and cognitive anxiety away. Taken together, the results from the current thesis may have important practical relevance to coaches, trainers and sport psychologists who are always trying to find ways to maximize performance. post-game Cortisol levels than did an increase in status. In contrast to previous

London Gazette, 1812

The London Gazette, originally called The Oxford Gazette, was first published in 1665, making it the world's oldest continuously published newspaper. This government paper, which contains official dispatches of Great Britain during peace time and war, provides a mix of State intelligence, government notices and trade/business news. Articles also discussed anything from naval operations, royal appointments, state visits, to military reports from Generals. The paper was and still is said to be published "with Authority". This issue was printed by Robert George Clarke, Cannon-Row, Parliament-Street.

Columbian Centinel, 27 February 1813 (no. 3015) - Newspaper

Volumes of interest were published between 1812 and 1815 with articles about the War of 1812. Issue for February 27, 1813: The front page has much on the war in Europe while page 2 has some notable War of 1812 reports including "Captures by the Americans--Capture of The Frolic--Capture of the Macedonian", "Manifesto Against America", "Naval Expeditions", "British Account of the Defeat of Gen. Winchester's Army"

Colonel John Butler (Niagara)/St. Catharines District Branch of the United Empire Loyalists fonds

United Empire Loyalist is an honour given to American Loyalists who came to British North America and the British Colonies to show their loyalty to King George III after the British defeat in the American Revolution. The Loyalists settled in Quebec, Ontario, Nova Scotia and modern day New Brunswick. The Colonel John Butler (Niagara) Branch (formerly the St. Catharines and District Branch) has origins which date as far back as 1898. A branch was organized in Virgil by Captain John D. Servos, but was unsuccessful. In 1905 there was another attempt to form a branch, but the war of 1914-1918 resulted in this branch becoming inactive. In 1914, an Act of Parliament incorporated the United Empire Loyalists’ Association of Canada. The St. Catharines and District Branch was formed in 1921. This branch remained active, and in 1992 they changed their name to The Colonel John Butler (Niagara) Branch. The Loyalists also have a strong focus on genealogy. All descendants are eligible to use UE (which stands for Unity of the Empire) after their names. source: http://www.coljohnbutleruel.com