The Global Strategy – reinvigorating the EU’s multilateral agenda?. Security Policy Brief No. 69, March 2016

The EU’s effective multilateralism doctrine is hardly a defining characteristic of the international system of today. While established multilateral structures are far from reflective of the realities of the twenty-first century, multilateral practices remain dominant in most parts of the world. Multilateralism, however, carries a different meaning to different actors. Emerging powers have become increasingly assertive in promoting their own multilateral approach and now set the pace in international affairs. The EU remains, nonetheless, well-placed to respond to this challenge through a revision of its multilateral agenda.

Emerging global partnership: Brazil and China

The Lula era has witnessed a changing bilateral strategic partnership between China and Brazil, having the interlocutions between both countries became more substantial, comprehensive and influential. To enlarge the global impacts of the partnership, both countries should inject more regional and global components into their bilateral agenda. In doing so, both sides need to enhance the ties not only in terms of economic cooperation but also of social interaction

Reshaping European Union development policy: collective choices and the new global order

Abstract The European Union (EU) is one of the world´s leading donors in official development assistance (ODA) to give a strong weight in the relationship with recipient partner countries, in particular with those that are more dependent on it. Besides the material weight of its funding, the EU has retained historical ties and influence in diplomatic, political and economic terms in many of its ODA recipient partner countries (particular in Sub-Saharan Africa). Since the 2000s, the EU development policy has not only undergone major structural changes in its institutional framework but also has started to face a new international aid scenario. This paper explores why a normative-based EU development policy is being challenged by reformed EU institutions and a new global order, and how the EU is attempting to respond to this context in face of the deepest recession since the end of the Second World War.

Educação ambiental: agenda 21 nas escolas públicas estaduais do tocantins – Brasil

A crise ambiental, econômica e social vigente, decorreu da transição de paradigmas da relação entre o homem e a natureza, perpassando pela visão natural, racional e históricosocial. Gerou impactos sem precedentes na história, ocasionou a busca de um novo paradigma para solucioná-la. A Educação Ambiental pretende formar cidadãos que garantam o desenvolvimento centrado na sustentabilidade da Terra. As políticas públicas devem buscar atender à nova ordem. A Agenda 21 Global visa garantir a sustentabilidade planetária, prevendo a formação da Agenda 21 Nacional e Local. No Brasil, o MMA e o MEC lançaram o Programa Vamos Cuidar do Brasil com as Escolas que prevê a elaboração da Agenda 21 Escolar. Objetivamos analisar e descrever o processo de construção e implementação da Agenda 21 Escolar no Tocantins. Utilizamos: análise documental, pesquisa qualiquantitativa e posterior triangulação dos dados. Concluímos que a Agenda 21 Escolar não é uma realidade em todas as escolas públicas tocantinenses. Percebemos que a política pública federal de educação ambiental consegue sensivelmente mobilizar as escolas tocantinenses para a construção de suas Agendas 21, porém não viabiliza sua implementação. Sugerimos a implantação de programas estaduais para preencher esta lacuna e consolidá-la e prepararmos o Tocantins para um futuro melhor.

A introdução do complexo econômico industrial da saúde na agenda de desenvolvimento: uma análise a partir do modelo de fluxos múltiplos de Kingdon

O complexo da saúde refere-se a toda a base produtiva envolvida na prestação de serviços, promoção e vigilância em saúde, envolve tanto o segmento secundário da economia, a exemplo das indústrias de base química, biotecnológica, mecânica e de materiais, quanto o terciário, referente aos serviços prestados nos estabelecimentos de saúde. O referido complexo mobiliza uma série de tecnologias relevantes para a inserção competitiva na economia global, responde pela geração de emprego, renda e parte significativa do PIB nacional, motivo pelo qual a área da saúde tem tido sua importância crescentemente institucionalizada na agenda de desenvolvimento nacional. Este artigo propõe analisar a introdução desse complexo nas prioridades do Plano Brasil Maior, dado que a saúde responde a diferentes elementos relacionados tanto a uma conjuntura política quanto à escolha dos tomadores de decisão entre variadas opções de políticas públicas, como também aos problemas socioeconômicos observados na referida área. Esses distintos elementos serão estudados à luz do referencial teórico de fluxos múltiplos, utilizando como método de análise a confrontação dos fluxos de problemas, soluções e político. Os principais resultados do estudo apontam que a decisão de incorporar o complexo econômico industrial da saúde nas prioridades do Plano Brasil Maior é fruto de uma abordagem renovada da saúde, tanto no nível cognitivo quanto no institucional, na qual a mesma é entendida simultaneamente como um direito do cidadão, um bem econômico e social assim como um espaço de acumulação de capital.

Free-trade agreements: challenges for global health

In this study new free-trade agreements are discussed, which are based on the breaking down of tariff and technical barriers and normally exclude most of the poorest countries in the world. Considering the current context of economic globalization and its health impacts, seven controversial points of these treaties and their possible implications for global public health are presented, mainly regarding health equity and other health determinants. Finally, this research proposes a greater social and health professionals participation in the formulation and discussion of these treaties, and a deeper insertion of Brazil in this important international agenda.

Agenda 21 Militar numa Unidade do Exército Português: contributos para um desenvolvimento sustentável através da liderança participativa

Dissertação apresentada na Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia da Universidade Nova de Lisboa para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Gestão e Políticas Ambientais

Desenvolvimento de um Projecto Agenda 21 Local para o Município de São Brás de Alportel

Relatório de Estágio de Mestrado em Globalização e Ambiente

Brazil's global aspirations and their implications for the relationship with Argentina in the framework of MERCOSUR

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais

International regimes as knowledge syndicates? Energy and trends of global governance

El poder de l'Estat i la sobirania tradicional s'està deteriorant de manera constant, sobretot en termes de la provisió de certs béns públics fonamentals. Els Estats, en particular, són incapaços de manejar el coneixement i la informació que és essencial per mantenir la competitivitat i la sostenibilitat en una economia interdependent. Estructures fiables de la governança mundial i la cooperació internacional estan lluny de ser establertes. Energia com a problema a les agendes p dels governs, les empreses privades i la societat civil és un exemple manifest d'aquesta dinàmica.. L'actual sistema de governança mundial d'energia implica accions polítiques disperses per actors divers. L'Agència Internacional de l'Energia té un paper destacat, però està debilitat per la seva composició limitada i basada en el coneixement- epistèmic en lloc del material o executiu. Aquest treball sosté que ni la mida ni nombre de membres disponibles estan dificultant la governabilitat mundial d'energia. Més aviat, l'energia és una sèrie de béns públics que es troben als llimbs, on els estats no poden pagar la seva disposició, així com els diversos interessos impedir l'establiment d'una autoritat internacional. Després de la introducció de la teoria del règim internacional i el concepte de coneixement basats en les comunitats epistèmiques, l'article revisa l'estat actual de la governabilitat de l'energia mundia. A continuació es presenta una comparació d'aquesta estructura amb els règims de govern nacional i regional, d'una banda, i amb règims globals ambientals i de salut, de l'altra

Cardiovascular disease and the changing face of global public health : a focus on low and middle income countries

Eighty percent of the global 17 million deaths due to cardiovascular disease (CVD) occur in low and middle income countries (LMICs). The burden of CVD and other noncommunicable diseases (NCDs) is expected to markedly increase because of the global aging of the population and increasing exposure to detrimental lifestyle-related risk in LMICs. Interventions to reduce four main risks related to modifiable behaviors (tobacco use, unhealthy diet, low physical activity and excess alcohol consumption) are key elements for effective primary prevention of the four main NCDs (CVD, cancer, diabetes and chronic pulmonary disease). These behaviors are best improved through structural interventions (e.g., clean air policy, taxes on cigarettes, new recipes for processed foods with reduced salt and fat, urban shaping to improve mobility, etc.). In addition, health systems in LMICs should be reoriented to deliver integrated cost-effective treatment to persons at high risk at the primary health care level. The full implementation of a small number of highly cost effective, affordable and scalable interventions ("best buys") is likely to be the necessary and sufficient ingredient for curbing NCDs in LMICs. NCDs are both a cause and a consequence of poverty. It is therefore important to frame NCD prevention and control within the broader context of social determinants and development agenda. The recent emphasis on NCDs at a number of health and economic forums (including the September 2011 High Level Meeting on NCDs at the United Nations) provides a new opportunity to move the NCD agenda forward in LMICs.

A Bridge Builder or a Raconteur? How Japan Manoeuvres the Global Development Discourse within the TICAD Process

Japan has been a major actor in the field of development cooperation for five decades, even holding the title of largest donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA) during the 1990s. Financial flows, however, are subject to pre-existing paradigms that dictate both donor and recipient behaviour. In this respect Japan has been left wanting for more recognition. The dominance of the so called ‘Washington Consensus’ embodied in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank has long circumvented any indigenous approaches to development problems. The Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) is a development cooperation conference that Japan has hosted since 1993 every five years. As the main organizer of the conference Japan has opted for the leading position of African development. This has come in the wake of success in the Asian region where Japan has called attention to its role in the so called ‘Asian Miracle’ of fast growing economies. These aspirations have enabled Japan to try asserting itself as a major player in directing the course of global development discourse using historical narratives from both Asia and Africa. Over the years TICAD has evolved into a continuous process with ministerial and follow-up meetings in between conferences. Each conference has produced a declaration that stipulates the way the participants approach the question of African development. Although a multilateral framework, Japan has over the years made its presence more and more felt within the process. This research examines the way Japan approaches the paradigms of international development cooperation and tries to direct them in the context of the TICAD process. Supplementing these questions are inquiries concerning Japan’s foreign policy aspirations. The research shows that Japan has utilized the conference platform to contest other development actors and especially the dominant forces of the IMF and the World Bank in development discourse debate. Japan’s dominance of the process is evident in the narratives found in the conference documents. Relative success has come about by remaining consistent as shown by the acceptance of items from the TICAD agenda in other forums, such as the G8. But the emergence of new players such as China has changed the playing field, as they are engaging other developing countries from a more equal level.

Neoliberalism and global capital mobility: a necessary reconsideration of textbook trade theory

Textbook theory ignores capital flows: trade determines exchange rates and specialisation. Approaches taking the effects of capital movements adequately into account are needed, and a new theory of economic policy including measures to protect the real economy from external volatility. Equilibrating textbook mechanisms cannot work unless trade-caused surpluses and deficits set exchange rates. To allow orthodox trade theory to work one must hinder capital flows from destroying its very basis, which the IMF and wrong regulatory decisions have done, penalising production and trade. A new, real economy based theory is proposed, a Neoclassical agenda of controlling capital flows and speculation.

Global Internet governance and the public interest in communication

Élaborée à partir d’une étude de cas extensive focalisant sur les perspectives multiples et concurrentes ayant émergé lors des négociations sur la gouvernance de l’Internet, thématique ayant dominé l’agenda politique du Sommet mondial sur la société de l’information (SMSI), cette thèse examine les manières avec lesquelles les débats mondiaux sur la gouvernance de l’Internet influencent la notion d’intérêt public en communication. Établie sur la base d’une observation participante extensive, d’entrevues semi-structurées et de l’analyse d’une documentation formelle et informelle associée au SMSI, cette thèse fait état de l’émergence des enjeux associés à la gouvernance de l’Internet au SMSI et présente une analyse approfondie des négociations ayant porté sur cet enjeu. Le cadre théorique développé par Lawrence Lessig au travers duquel « le code est la loi » est appliqué afin d’expliquer comment les différents acteurs ont débattu et ultimement atteint un consensus sur les frontières venant séparer les enjeux normatifs de politique publique et les questions techniques de régulation et de gestion du réseau. Cette thèse discute également de l’évolution des débats autour de la gouvernance mondiale de l’Internet ayant pris place à la suite de la conclusion du SMSI. Sur la base de cette étude de cas, un ensemble de conclusions sont formulées sur les acteurs et les caractéristiques institutionnelles ayant influencé les négociations sur la gouvernance de l’internet. Il est également suggéré que le SMSI a redéfini une discussion étroite sur la gestion d’un ensemble de fonctions techniques de l’Internet en un domaine de politique publique plus large de gouvernance mondiale de l’Internet. Il est également défendu que la notion d’intérêt public dans la gouvernance mondiale de l’Internet est conceptualisée autour des processus de participation et d’intégration des différentes parties prenantes au processus politique. Les implications directes et indirectes qui découlent de ce constat pour comprendre plus largement la notion d’intérêt public dans le domaine de la communication sont également présentées et discutées. En conclusion, cette thèse s’interroge sur les implications programmatiques des éléments ayant été précédemment soulevées pour la recherche médiatique et communicationnelle.