Friends of the Everglades

Charles Perry shaking hands with Marjory Stoneman Douglas in front of easel with map of Florida. Charles Edward Perry (Chuck), 1937-1999, was the founding president of Florida International University in Miami, Florida. He grew up in Logan County, West Virginia and received his bachelor's and masters's degrees from Bowling Green State University. He married Betty Laird in 1960. In 1969, at the age of 32, Perry was the youngest president of any university in the nation. The name of the university reflects Perry’s desire for a title that would not limit the scope of the institution and would support his vision of having close ties to Latin America. Perry and a founding corps opened FIU to 5,667 students in 1972 with only one large building housing six different schools. Perry left the office of President of FIU in 1976 when the student body had grown to 10,000 students and the university had six buildings, offered 134 different degrees and was fully accredited. Charles Perry died on August 30, 1999 at his home in Rockwall, Texas. He is buried on the FIU campus in front of the Graham Center entrance. Marjory Stoneman Douglas was born on April 7, 1890. In South Florida she is best known for her environmental advocacy passionately fighting for the protection and preservation of the Florida Everglades. As a writer, her most influential book was the book The Everglades: River of Grass (1947), which redefined the popular conception of the Everglades as a treasured river instead of a worthless swamp. Moving to South Florida to pursuit a career in journalism, she began writing for the Miami Herald newspaper and then worked as freelance writer, producing over one hundred short stories that were published in popular magazines. Throughout her long life (lived until age 108), she received numerous awards, including the Presidential Medal of Freedom and was inducted into several halls of fame. She died on May 14, 1998. A statue of her invites visitors at Fairchild Tropical Botanic Garden in Miami, Florida to sit with her statue and contemplate the garden. Two South Florida public schools are named in her honor: Broward County Public Schools' Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School and Miami-Dade County Public Schools' Marjory Stoneman Douglas Elementary School.

Friends of the Everglades

Charles Perry and Marjory Stoneman Douglas in front of easel with map of Florida. Charles Edward Perry (Chuck), 1937-1999, was the founding president of Florida International University in Miami, Florida. He grew up in Logan County, West Virginia and received his bachelor's and masters's degrees from Bowling Green State University. He married Betty Laird in 1960. In 1969, at the age of 32, Perry was the youngest president of any university in the nation. The name of the university reflects Perry’s desire for a title that would not limit the scope of the institution and would support his vision of having close ties to Latin America. Perry and a founding corps opened FIU to 5,667 students in 1972 with only one large building housing six different schools. Perry left the office of President of FIU in 1976 when the student body had grown to 10,000 students and the university had six buildings, offered 134 different degrees and was fully accredited. Charles Perry died on August 30, 1999 at his home in Rockwall, Texas. He is buried on the FIU campus in front of the Graham Center entrance. Marjory Stoneman Douglas was born on April 7, 1890. In South Florida she is best known for her environmental advocacy passionately fighting for the protection and preservation of the Florida Everglades. As a writer, her most influential book was the book The Everglades: River of Grass (1947), which redefined the popular conception of the Everglades as a treasured river instead of a worthless swamp. Moving to South Florida to pursuit a career in journalism, she began writing for the Miami Herald newspaper and then worked as freelance writer, producing over one hundred short stories that were published in popular magazines. Throughout her long life (lived until age 108), she received numerous awards, including the Presidential Medal of Freedom and was inducted into several halls of fame. She died on May 14, 1998. A statue of her invites visitors at Fairchild Tropical Botanic Garden in Miami, Florida to sit with her statue and contemplate the garden. Two South Florida public schools are named in her honor: Broward County Public Schools' Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School and Miami-Dade County Public Schools' Marjory Stoneman Douglas Elementary School.

Vaclav Havel's Legacy of Freedom

Vaclav Havel changed history as an advocate of freedom and universal human rights. A playwright, essayist, poet, dissident, and politician, Havel became a symbol of the civic opposition to the communist government in Czechoslovakia. After the Prague “Velvet Revolution” that toppled the communist regime, Havel became president of Czechoslovakia, and later the first president of the Czech Republic. Ten years ago, on September 21, 2002, President Vaclav Havel came to FIU and delivered memorable remarks about freedom and in support of a peaceful transition to democracy in Cuba. Madeleine K. Albright is Chair of Albright Stonebridge Group, a global strategy firm, and Chair of Albright Capital Management LLC, an investment advisory firm focused on emerging markets. She was the 64th Secretary of State of the United States. On May 29, 2012, Dr. Albright received the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor, from President Obama. She received an honorary degree from FIU in 1996. Dr. Albright is a Professor in the Practice of Diplomacy at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service. The panel discussion includes: Thomas Dine, President of the American Friends of the Czech Republic The Honorable Petr Gandalovic, Ambassador of the Czech Republic to the U.S. Carl Gershman, President of the National Endowment for Democracy Martin Palous, Director, Vaclav Havel Library, SIPA Senior Fellow Marifeli Perez-Stable, Interim Director, Latin American and Caribbean Center

Race Relations & Politics in Venezuela during Punto Fijo (1958 – 1998)

In 1998, Hugo Chávez Frías’ presidential candidacy brought race to national discussion in Venezuela for first time since 1945. For long, the country’s politics had abided by the myth of racial harmony and racial democracy. This approach pointed to institutional separation in the United States and Africa as examples of true racism. Latin America was largely void of such atrocities. Nonetheless, Chávez claimed the present political parties (Acción Democrática, Copei and Unión Republicana Democrática) disenfranchised the common, colored Venezuelan. He continued to assert the opposition’s racism during his presidency. And his political fanbase agrees. A variety of scholars have studied the break from Punto Fijo politics to the Bolivarian Revolution. Yet, few have linked the obvious class struggle to race. Here, I seek to explain how racial identity has shaped class identity in Venezuela by closely examining the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998). The essay begins with an overview of historical race relations, moving to the period in focus. Then, I examine systematic and institutional exclusion under Punto Fijo politics. The object is to understand the merit of Chávez’s racial claims since 1998. Hence, the study also sees democracy in action and the consequences of racial exclusion. The study will be accomplished through secondary research, considering the limitations brought by working abroad. In the end, this study serves as first step in analyzing the fall of what was once considered Latin America’s most durable democracy.

Race Relations & Politics in Venezuela during Punto Fijo (1958 – 1998)

In 1998, Hugo Chávez Frías’ presidential candidacy brought race to national discussion in Venezuela for first time since 1945. For long, the country’s politics had abided by the myth of racial harmony and racial democracy. This approach pointed to institutional separation in the United States and Africa as examples of true racism. Latin America was largely void of such atrocities. Nonetheless, Chávez claimed the present political parties (Acción Democrática, Copei and Unión Republicana Democrática) disenfranchised the common, colored Venezuelan. He continued to assert the opposition’s racism during his presidency. And his political fanbase agrees. A variety of scholars have studied the break from Punto Fijo politics to the Bolivarian Revolution. Yet, few have linked the obvious class struggle to race. Here, I seek to explain how racial identity has shaped class identity in Venezuela by closely examining the Punto Fijo era (1958-1998). The essay begins with an overview of historical race relations, moving to the period in focus. Then, I examine systematic and institutional exclusion under Punto Fijo politics. The object is to understand the merit of Chávez’s racial claims since 1998. Hence, the study also sees democracy in action and the consequences of racial exclusion. The study will be accomplished through secondary research, considering the limitations brought by working abroad. In the end, this study serves as first step in analyzing the fall of what was once considered Latin America’s most durable democracy.

Classes sociais e eleições presidenciais no Brasil contemporâneo (2002-2010)

This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.

“Justice will be made“ Bush e o discurso construtor das guerras contra o terror

This work was built aiming to present how they built the speech of the presidential administration of George W. Bush to engender the Wars on Terror. Through an analysis of sources, magazines, newspapers and official speeches of the President; construct a survey that shows the process of development discourse of the U.S. government in order to make credible to the world the existence of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq. To accomplish this feat, the first attempts to deconstruct the work that would be the terrorist and their actions against the hegemonic governments, and perform an important discussion with the theme of the story of the present time and the need for a search like this nowadays. To deconstruct the idea of being a terrorist present as President George W. Bush uses the attacks of September 11th and fear as tools to build a war with a real intentionality toward the conquest of Iraqi oil and finish a task that his father, George H. Bush had left unfinished.

Colônia agrícola Sinimbú: entre a regularidade do espaço projetado e os violentos confrontos do espaço vivido (Rio Grande do Norte, 1850-1880)

In 1878, at the province of Rio Grande do Norte, between Ceará-Mirim and Extremoz, was founded the Agricultural Colony of Sinimbú. On this location, about 6,600 freed men and women had gathered. They were not only fleeing from the terrible 1877 drought but also encouraged by the promise of accessing basic necessities, i.e. housing and medical assistance, upon work, as required by local and central representatives of power. However, the migrants faced otherwise reality, since conditions within the agricultural facility were of shortage and violence, as denounced on the presidential reports of that time. This work aims at analyzing the conflicts that took place at the Sinimbú Colony, while it seeks to emphasize how the tensions and interests of both local elite and central government representatives relate to the opening and closure of this space, on a context where the debate on the control over freed poor workers was on the rise. Thus, we intend to demonstrate that on the one hand, institutionalized places provided the native freed a sense of work guided by the discipline of the body, control of time and arrangement of space. On the other hand, unlike forms of resistance enacted by freed working men and women undergoing the rearranging process of labor world cannot be disregarded.

O comportamento eleitoral da nova classe trabalhadora no Rio Grande do Norte 2014: ideologia, avaliação de governo e voto

This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.

Location and ages of terrestrial peatlands located on continental shelves and in coastal sediments

This synthesis dataset contains records of freshwater peat and lake sediments from continental shelves and coastal areas. Information included is site location (when available), thickness and description of terrestrial sediments as well as underlying and overlying sediments, dates (when available), and references.

PROPAGANDA ELEITORAL NA DEMOCRACIA MIDIÁTICA: A VITÓRIA DA EMOÇÃO NA ELEIÇÃO PRESIDENCIAL DE 2014 NO BRASIL

Essa pesquisa tem como objeto a comunicação política com foco na propaganda eleitoral, no contexto da democracia midiática. Partindo deste princípio, delineia-se o problema de pesquisa: estudar como a propaganda eleitoral tem se apropriado do contexto da democracia midiática para expor suas mensagens, o uso entre a razão e a emoção, a venda de sonhos ao eleitor entre outros assuntos como as críticas ao adversário e as promessas que realizam. O objetivo da pesquisa é destacar os tipos de conteúdos elaborados para serem transmitidos aos eleitores que assistem ao horário eleitoral gratuito, analisar os argumentos, a qualidade e o teor de tais veiculações, assim como destacar as distinções entre eles, avaliando assim sua efetividade, suas principais características, o que os diferenciava e quais os recursos que usavam para atrair a atenção e o voto dos eleitores. A metodologia adotada foi a análise de conteúdo, uma vez que se deseja compreender quais são os principais sinais e características definidos pelos partidos e pelos candidatos no momento de serem divulgados. Foram definidas seis categorias para a análise de dez vídeos do horário eleitoral gratuito na televisão dos três principais candidatos, tanto do primeiro, quanto do segundo turno. Conclui-se que a candidata Dilma Rousseff foi a que mais aproveitou de todos os artifícios estratégicos da comunicação política, da propaganda eleitoral, apropriada da democracia midiática, com forte apelo emotivo nas categorias analisadas, resultando em uma vitória apertada, a mais disputada até hoje, porém, de resultado positivo para a campanha de reeleição da presidente

State Political Parties in American Politics: Innovation and Integration in the Party System

What role do state party organizations play in twenty-first century American politics? What is the nature of the relationship between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections? These questions frame the three studies presented in this dissertation. More specifically, I examine the organizational development of the state party organizations and the strategic interactions and connections between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections.

In the first empirical chapter, I argue that the Internet Age represents a significant transitional period for state party organizations. Using data collected from surveys of state party leaders, this chapter reevaluates and updates existing theories of party organizational strength and demonstrates the importance of new indicators of party technological capacity to our understanding of party organizational development in the early twenty-first century. In the second chapter, I ask whether the national parties utilize different strategies in deciding how to allocate resources to state parties through fund transfers and through the 50-state-strategy party-building programs that both the Democratic and Republican National Committees advertised during the 2010 elections. Analyzing data collected from my 2011 state party survey and party-fund-transfer data collected from the Federal Election Commission, I find that the national parties considered a combination of state and national electoral concerns in directing assistance to the state parties through their 50-state strategies, as opposed to the strict battleground-state strategy that explains party fund transfers. In my last chapter, I examine the relationships between platforms issued by Democratic and Republican state and national parties and the strategic considerations that explain why state platforms vary in their degree of similarity to the national platform. I analyze an extensive platform dataset, using cluster analysis and document similarity measures to compare platform content across the 1952 to 2014 period. The analysis shows that, as a group, Democratic and Republican state platforms exhibit greater intra-party homogeneity and inter-party heterogeneity starting in the early 1990s, and state-national platform similarity is higher in states that are key players in presidential elections, among other factors. Together, these three studies demonstrate the significance of the state party organizations and the state-national party partnership in contemporary politics.

Estudio sobre la variación perfecto simple y perfecto compuesto en los discursos presidenciales de Evo Morales : Marcas del contacto lingüístico

El trabajo presenta un análisis cualitativo-cuantitativo del uso variable del perfecto simple y perfecto compuesto en los discursos presidenciales de Evo Morales, de acuerdo con la perspectiva Etnopragmática desarrollada por García 1990, 1995; Martínez 1995, 2000; Mauder 2000. Se considera la singularidad de una variedad en situación de contacto lingüístico: la del español en contacto con el aymara y el quechua, y se indaga sobre las transformaciones que pueden producirse cuando diferentes lenguas -diferentes visiones de mundo- entran en contacto. En relación con esto, veremos que la presencia, tanto en la lengua quechua como en la lengua aymara, de un sistema evidencial gramaticalizado podría influir en la variación del perfecto simple y compuesto en los discursos de Morales, en particular, que la presencia de la forma del perfecto compuesto podría funcionar como una marca de evidencia directa y su uso contribuiría a la estrategia discursiva del orador de mostrar ciertos hechos de la historia de Bolivia como cercanos a su vivencia y experiencia personales, marcando un mayor grado compromiso con respecto a la veracidad de lo que enuncia. De esta manera, el orador consigue aunar su voz con la de los pueblos originarios, formar parte de los grupos discriminados y excluidos de la historia de su país y así, contar con su apoyo y acompañamiento durante su mandato.

Estudio sobre la variación perfecto simple y perfecto compuesto en los discursos presidenciales de Evo Morales : Marcas del contacto lingüístico

El trabajo presenta un análisis cualitativo-cuantitativo del uso variable del perfecto simple y perfecto compuesto en los discursos presidenciales de Evo Morales, de acuerdo con la perspectiva Etnopragmática desarrollada por García 1990, 1995; Martínez 1995, 2000; Mauder 2000. Se considera la singularidad de una variedad en situación de contacto lingüístico: la del español en contacto con el aymara y el quechua, y se indaga sobre las transformaciones que pueden producirse cuando diferentes lenguas -diferentes visiones de mundo- entran en contacto. En relación con esto, veremos que la presencia, tanto en la lengua quechua como en la lengua aymara, de un sistema evidencial gramaticalizado podría influir en la variación del perfecto simple y compuesto en los discursos de Morales, en particular, que la presencia de la forma del perfecto compuesto podría funcionar como una marca de evidencia directa y su uso contribuiría a la estrategia discursiva del orador de mostrar ciertos hechos de la historia de Bolivia como cercanos a su vivencia y experiencia personales, marcando un mayor grado compromiso con respecto a la veracidad de lo que enuncia. De esta manera, el orador consigue aunar su voz con la de los pueblos originarios, formar parte de los grupos discriminados y excluidos de la historia de su país y así, contar con su apoyo y acompañamiento durante su mandato.

Estudio sobre la variación perfecto simple y perfecto compuesto en los discursos presidenciales de Evo Morales : Marcas del contacto lingüístico

El trabajo presenta un análisis cualitativo-cuantitativo del uso variable del perfecto simple y perfecto compuesto en los discursos presidenciales de Evo Morales, de acuerdo con la perspectiva Etnopragmática desarrollada por García 1990, 1995; Martínez 1995, 2000; Mauder 2000. Se considera la singularidad de una variedad en situación de contacto lingüístico: la del español en contacto con el aymara y el quechua, y se indaga sobre las transformaciones que pueden producirse cuando diferentes lenguas -diferentes visiones de mundo- entran en contacto. En relación con esto, veremos que la presencia, tanto en la lengua quechua como en la lengua aymara, de un sistema evidencial gramaticalizado podría influir en la variación del perfecto simple y compuesto en los discursos de Morales, en particular, que la presencia de la forma del perfecto compuesto podría funcionar como una marca de evidencia directa y su uso contribuiría a la estrategia discursiva del orador de mostrar ciertos hechos de la historia de Bolivia como cercanos a su vivencia y experiencia personales, marcando un mayor grado compromiso con respecto a la veracidad de lo que enuncia. De esta manera, el orador consigue aunar su voz con la de los pueblos originarios, formar parte de los grupos discriminados y excluidos de la historia de su país y así, contar con su apoyo y acompañamiento durante su mandato.