Vozes da oposição : os partidos de esquerda e o 1o. governo Fernando Henrique (1995-1999)

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a atuação dos partidos de oposição, durante o primeiro mandato do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso, com vistas a compreender como as esquerdas deram significado a este determinado momento político. Para levá-lo a efeito foram tomadas duas instâncias de sua ação, a saber: a) a produção legislativa dos deputados federais pertencentes a esses partidos, e b) seus pronunciamentos da tribuna, no espaço destinado ao Grande Expediente, no decorrer da 50ª legislatura, período correspondente a janeiro de 1995 e fevereiro de 1999. As condições emergenciais do discurso das oposições devem ser buscadas no resultado do pleito de 1994. Neste ano, o candidato da coligação de centro-direita conquistou a Presidência da República, obtendo o dobro da votação do segundo colocado, Lula da Silva, principal nome das esquerdas. Depois de sua posse, o presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso enviou, para apreciação do Congresso Nacional, um conjunto de medidas com vistas a alterar o perfil do Estado brasileiro. Foi em torno deste pacote reformista que se estabeleceu o debate público entre os dois blocos ideológicos - situação x oposição. De um lado, a base governista apoiando as propostas pró-mercado, e de outro lado, a bancada das oposições defendendo o estatismo.

Bolsa família ou desempenho da economia? : determinantes da reeleição de Lula em 2006

Este artigo investiga os determinantes da mudança no padrão da votação nas eleições presidenciais de 2006, em particular o papel do programa Bolsa Família e do desempenho da economia na migração da base eleitoral de Lula para as regiões menos desenvolvidas. Do ponto de vista metodológico, inovase ao considerar adequadamente o problema gerado pela agregação de decisões individuais tipicamente não-lineares. Quanto aos resultados, ao contrário de Carraro et alli (2009) e outros autores, encontra-se que o impacto do programa Bolsa Família é bastante superior ao do desempenho econômico. No entanto, nenhum dos dois fatores foi capaz de explicar satisfatoriamente toda a extensão da mudança observada em 2006. Nesse sentido, ganha grande apelo a explicação apresentada em Zucco (2008), de que Lula, ao ser o candidato do governo, naturalmente teria desempenho superior em municípios menos desenvolvidos, mais dependentes do Estado.

Aliados terão recorde de verba desde que o PT chegou ao poder

Prestes a iniciar um novo mandato em meio à crise provocada pelas investigações de corrupção na Petrobras, a presidente Dilma Rousseff repetiu a fórmula usada por seu antecessor, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, para consolidar a maioria no congresso após o escândalo do mensalão: sacrificou o PT para abrir mais espaço aos aliados em sua equipe. A partir de hoje, o PT terá a menor participação no governo desde que chegou ao poder com Lula, em 2003, tanto em número de ministérios como no volume de recursos para investimentos que seus indicados vão administrar.

Trem de alta velocidade RJ-SP: estudo de caso sobre sua não implementação durante os governos Lula e Dilma

This work refers to one of the greatest infrastructure projects planned by the Federal Public Administration entitled Trem de Alta Velocidade RJ-Campinas (TAV Brasil) [High Speed Rail Rio de Janeiro – Campinas], also know as bullet train. The intent of this research is not to explore the technical issues of the project bu the description of some details contributes for a better understanting of the evolved technology. The focus of this work is found under the actions promoted by diverse political actors in such enterprise as well as the context which made the public grant not possible along the two mandates of President Lula and the first one of President Dilma Rousseff. This contemporary matter required a huge documentary investigation performed by available material on the internet, news report of the most important press vehicles in the country, essays and articles published by experts. Some people involved in this policy process were interviewed. These inputs enriched the data explaining the conceived actions and structure of the project by the federal government. The results and final considerations target the complexity of the project and the TAV auctions failure from 2010 to 2014, suggesting further researches concerning the retaking of the bullet train project.

Na redes sociais, Sérgio Moro só é menos citado que Dilma e Lula em dia de protesto, aponta estudo

Dados retirados do jornal O Globo. Disponível em: < http://oglobo.globo.com/brasil/na-redes-sociais-sergio-moro-so-menos-citado-que-dilma-lula-em-dia-de-protesto-aponta-estudo-17270913>.

Histórias de um Brasil que funciona: ciclo de premiação 2003

As 20 histórias deste livro descrevem as experiências finalistas do ciclo de premiação de 2003 do Programa Gestão Pública e Cidadania, uma iniciativa da Fundação Getulio Vargas e da Fundação Ford, com apoio do Banco Nacional de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (BNDES). O Programa funciona desde 1996, com o objetivo de premiar e disseminar práticas inovadoras de governos estaduais e municipais, bem como das organizações próprias dos povos indígenas

Lula and Brazil: investors twisted logic

Investors were wrong to believe in change for the better; Brazil is stuck for at least two years

Brazil’s Twittersphere polarised on Lula

Lula polariza as redes sociais, de acordo com um estudo da DAPP publicado no jornal Financial Times.

Protestos contra Dilma voltam embalados por escalada da crise política: ações legais contra Lula incendiaram os movimentos antigoverno. Cresce apoio de empresários

DAPP aponta evolução semelhante das menções no Twitter antes das duas maiores manifestações anti-governo.

O olhar de Lula e o ministério Temer

O PMDB, que tem o núcleo duro de ministros e amigos de Temer, entre eles Eliseu Padilha (Casa Civil), Romero Jucá (Planejamento) e Geddel Vieira Lima (Secretaria de Governo), ficou com o maior número, sete. Mas são pastas cujos orçamentos discricionários, livres para gastos, representam apenas 10,9% do total a quarta maior fatia, depois do DEM (22,4%, com a Educação), PP (20%) e PSDB (12,2%), de acordo com levantamento da Diretoria de Análise de Políticas Públicas (Dapp/FGV).

Programa de aquisição de alimentos (2003-2010): avaliação da implementação pela CONAB no Rio Grande do Norte

This thesis aimed to evaluate the implementation of the Food Acquisition Program(PAA) through CONAB RN in the period of 2003-2010 with the perception of all agents involved in the implementation of the government program.For the methodological trajectory it was adopted a descriptive bibliographical and documentary approach with triangular qualitative and quantitative, also called evaluative research.The theoretical model was supported by the authors Draibe (2001), Aguilar and Ander-Egg (1994) and Silva(2001), among others, that focused on family farming and evaluation of implementation of public policy having as a category of analysis the size implementation of policy and the latter divided into 10 theoretical dimensions.The universe consisted of three groups: the first were the managers and technicians from CONAB(RN and Brasilia), totaling 15 subjects. The second group was of associations/cooperatives that participated in the programin 2010, totaling a sample in each access of 15 representatives. The third group of subjects totaled with 309 representatives of governmental and non-governmental organizations that received donations of food for the same period. Semi-structured interviews and forms were adopted as instruments of data collection.The data were processed qualitatively by the analysis of content (interviews and documents) and quantitatively by means of statistical tests that allowed inferences and adoption of frequencies. Among the key find ingests that the program is not standing as a structure supported by planning. The interests of the performers do not necessarily converge with the objectives of the Food Acquisition Program (PAA). A shockof goals was identified (within the same program) when comparingthe financial agent (Ministry of Rural Development and of Social Development and Fight Against Hunger Ministry r) and the executor, CONAB/RN. Within the assessed dimensions, the most fragileis the sub-managerial decision-making and Organizational Environment and internal assessment, still deserves attention the sizeof logistical and operational Subsystem, as this also proved weak.The focusin the quest toexpand thequantificationof the resultsof theFood Acquisition Program (PAA)by CONAB/RN does forget a quality management focused on what really should be:the compliance with the institutional objectives of the government program.Finally, the perspective for the traded implementation should be re-examined because excessive discretion by managers along with technical staff has characterized there al role of the Food Acquisition Program (PAA) as public policy. We conclude that the implementation model, which apparently aggregates values to the benefitted citizens, has weakened the context of work on family farms having the management model of the implementation process be reviewed by the Federal Government and point too ther paths, which have as a guide line the emancipation and developmentof the field or in the field andat the same time enables the reduction of nutritional deficiency of beneficiaries in a balanced and coherent way

Interesses da habitação social : políticas e processos no Rio Grande do Norte

En 2003, le gouvernement brésilien (gestion Lula) a initié une nouvelle phase dans son histoire de l habitation, en intensifiant les constructions de logements sociaux au Brésil. Un tel accroissement a eut des répercussions tant en ville comme à la campagne, et fût marqué dans le Rio Grande do Norte, par la production a grande échelle d ensembles d habitations, dans les programmes de Gouvernement. Afin de viabiliser ces transformations, des instruments politiques, financiers et de gestion ont étés articulés conjointement, utilisant la répétition d une typologie d édification, comme modèle, accompagnée de la reproduction d une morphologie dans les constructions de logements sociaux. Afin de comprendre ce processus nous introduisons une recherche urbanistique et socio-économique du problème du logement social au Brésil, en cherchant à mettre en relation les aspects techniques avec les questions historique, professionnelles et culturelles, éléments complémentaires. Notre analyse cherche a identifier comment les politiques de gestion et financement officielles (administrées dans sa grande majorité par la Caisse Économique Fédérale -CEF-), influencent le processus de conception de projets, en provoquant les répétitions de type/morphologiques, déjà citées. Basée sur l observation directe au cour de deux expériences différenciées pour du logement social en milieu rural, au Rio Grande do Norte, nous montrerons aussi certaines limitations et possibilités des acteurs sociaux, face aux agents et politiques officielles pour le logement social au Brésil, proposant des solutions alternatives standardisées qui caractérisent le résultat des projets financées et gérés par la CEF. Nos principales références théoriques et méthodologiques sont Nabil Bonduki (1998), David Harvey (2009,1982), Henry Lefèbvre (1970), Ermínia Maricato (2010, 2009, 2000, 1987) et Raquel Rolnik (2010, 2009, 2008, 1997)

Quem tem direito à moradia? :uma análise da política nacional de habitação e dos programas de habitação de interesse social (2003-2005)

This dissertation analyses the Brazilian housing policy of today s, focusing on the programmes in the socalled Social Interest Housing Subsystem in order to discuss to what extent the government has been able to grant housing constitutional rights in the country. The discussion is about housing policy and the principles in the country s Constitution regarding the role of housing as a social right, a right that must be granted by the state. This refers to land rent theory to understand the relationship between capital and property and the reasons why, under capitalism, housing becomes a commodity in the market. Then, it discusses the national housing policy, which emphasizes land ownership through financing, that is, via market, a process that excludes all low income population. In the conclusion, it is clear that, although government programmes cover extensively at least potentially the national territory as well as social group, subsidized housing programmes cannot be implemented in the city due to land prices because subsidy is too low. In this way, the law that grants housing rights to all Brazilian citizens is violated

Programa alfabetização solidária: um estudo sobre a experiência no município de Lagoa de Pedras/RN (1997 - 2003)

The educational reform of the 90 s was tainted by the objectives of the fiscal adjustments, resulting in the redefinition of the state s role in the financing and offering of teaching services, and bringing about a shuffling of the responsibility between the public and private sectors to promote education to young people and adults. The 90 s also highlighted the proliferation of providers and the multiplication of Educational Programs for Youths and Adults (EJA), implemented through partnerships between governmental and nongovernmental agencies. During this period of time, the agenda of educational responsibilities concerning analphabetism was organized in a process of decentralized of the state, with the following political, social, and economic objectives: to reduce the public deficit, increasing public savings and the financial capacity of the state to concentrate resources in areas considered indispensable to direct intervention; to increase the efficiency of the social services moffered or funded by the state, giving citizens more at a lower cost, and spreading services to more remote areas, expanding access to reach those most in need; to increase the participation of citizens in public management, stimulating communitarian acts as well as developing efforts towards the effective coordination of public figures in the implementation of associated social services. Thus, Assistance Programs co-financed by the government try to deal with the problem of analphabetism. Within the sphere of the 90 s educational policy decentralization, we come to see how the agenda dedicated to the reduction of analphabetism was formed by the Solidarity Alphabetization Program (PAS). Between 1997 and 2003, the latter agenda s decentralizing proposal was integrated in the management partnership for the operationalization of tasks and resources faced with the execution of the formal objectives. In this study, we identify the dimensions of the implantation and progress of the tasks carried out by PAS, in the municipality of Lagoa de Pedras/RN. However, we consider these Programs to assist in the process without guaranteeing the reduction of the causes or substituting the responsibility of the system once the monetary resources for program maintenance provided by the partners is exhausted

Reformas administrativas no Brasil: o caso do governo do estado do Piauí

From the 1980s, with technological development, globalization, and in a context of increasingly urgent demands, there is an international movement to modernize the state structures. Being driven by the victory of conservative governments in Britain and the U.S., this speech reform comes only to Brazil in the 1990s, the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Thus, in view of the recent movement of states to implement this reform agenda in their structures this research was to identify the elements that made it possible to attempt to modernize the administrative structure of the state of Piauí in 2003, in view of the political and administrative career in which the state was entered. Seeking to clarify the problem studied here, through a case study carried out a descriptive and exploratory, using a technique of gathering data to document research and interviews semi-structured. As the lens of analysis for this study used the neo-historical and sociological institutionalism, through which it sought to identify the critical moment in which they gave the Administrative Reform of Piaui, the process of breaking with the political and administrative career that previously had being followed, and the isomorphic mechanisms that enabled this speech reform comes up to this state, mechanisms that allow the homogenization of the organizational field. In general it appears that the search for new patterns and new technologies for management by the states in Brazil is due to the context of fiscal crisis in which the states were entered, forcing them to seek alternative models of management . The process of diffusion of New Public Management agenda for the states became possible, among other factors, due to the new scenario in which was inserted into the Brazilian federal system in the second half of the 1990s, characterized by a greater articulation between the horizontalstates, where through the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change was made possible by the absorption of the speech states reformer of the 1990s. However, due to the specificities of each region is given the experiences state unevenly. In the case of Piauí Administrative Reform only became possible due to the rearrangement of political forces in the state and the mechanisms of isomorphic institutional change, which allowed, in 2003, the state government to absorb the speech reformer