A "voz das ruas" e a rearticulação da ideologia conservadora

The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones

A política nacional de educação ambiental: limites e desafios para a sua efetivação na Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte

The Environmental Education is a plural and diversified knowledge field, composed by a group of social agents of specific State, government and civil society sectors, with different world views and theoretical matrices that exercised and influenced its genealogy and constitutive dynamic. The Environmental Education – while specific knowledge field – has been produced, systematized and diffused in Brazil in the last decades by official State organisms, through public policies, as well as by social movements of popular education, and constitutes a large and historical movement about the environmental question, that was worldwide projected in the 1960 decade (the environmentalist movement). Concerning the creation of public policies and specific programs to the Environmental Education, in the scope of the governmental initiative, the approval of the National Policy of Environmental Education, by means of the Law n. 9.795/99 – together with its regulatory decree, the Decree nº 4.281 – represents the consolidation of a inclusion process of the environmental dimension in the educational field. These normative acts, beyond charging the public power with the incumbency to define public policies that incorporate the environmental dimension and to promote the Environmental Education in all education levels, also charge the educational institution with the duty of promoting this component in an integrated and articulated way with the educational programs that such institutions develop. In this context, it is aimed to identify and analyze under the light of the dialectical and historical materialism, the practices and concepts developed under the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (UFRN), with regard to its institutional policy on Environmental Education, relating it to establishing the Pnea. The analysis by means specific legislation on the subject and institutional documents UFRN. The research showed that, in general, the National Environmental Education Policy has limits to its effectiveness given the absence of specific funding for this purpose and the little government involvement in that the Brazilian State assumes, by through effective policies, the material conditions of financing actions with respect to this field of education. The fragmented and disjointed way the analyzed actions are developed constitutes a limit to the challenge for the UFRN implement, consistently and objectively, an Environmental Education policy, which can be monitored and evaluated as an effective public policy, both landmarks major goal of own Pnea as the demands of development whose agenda a critical environmental perspective.

O nascimento de uma política pública: das articulações à formulação do PRONERA

This work aims at reconstructing the formulation process of PRONERA (National Program of Education in Agrarian Reform). A public policy that had its first ideas conceived within social movements and afterwards, made possible by diligences of then government. Therefore, the Program was rendered in a partnership among State, social movement, public institutions, and non-governmental organizations. As a goal, we intend to grasp both what motivated the choice for this proposal as a strategy to face educational problems in rural areas and how the actors, entities involved in this enterprise and the social-political context have influenced its formulation and entry in the governmental agenda as Public Policy. Thus, we reconstruct the history and education policy of and in rural areas. Besides, we seek to understand the context of PRONERA's conception, the factors that have influenced its creation and the actors' performances in the process. It is assumed that under the 1988 Constitution, civil society was provided with legal conditions for the active participation in political process and, consequently, in the public policy-making. We conclude, then, that PRONERA was the result of the crossing of three different flows (problems, solutions and policies) advocated by the Kingdon model. As a result, this analytical repertoire was useful to explain PRONERA’s entry in the government agenda, helping to understand how the chances of this social demand increased with an action from the politic community. It allowed its way in the government agenda as well as its becoming a public policy.

A crise de legitimidade na democracia representativa e o desatendimento aos direitos fundamentais: um enfoque participativo-educacional

This study aims to bring reflection on the legitimacy crisis of the Brazilian representative democracy, which results in non-attendance of fundamental rights, regarding legal and social facts in light of the existing constitutional order and seeking solutions in more democratic procedures and in a more humane, critical, democratic and collaborative education. It has been an issue for some time the understanding that the authorities do not meet the basic needs of Brazilian citizens - the only way to make them autonomous and sufficiently able to conduct their lives in a competitive and globalized labor market. Such situation only worsened - as illustrated by the social movements in mid-2013 - when people took to the streets, showing a noticeable dissatisfaction with public services in general, and some other groups presenting specific complaints in those events. To find solutions or at least suggestions for the reflection of the problem found, a current approach to public authorities was necessary attempting to reveal how the constitutional order authorizes their operation and how - in fact - they act. In this endeavour, the legitimacy of power was discussed, involving the analysis of its origin, to whom it belongs and the legitimacy of deficit situations, concluding that it is only justified as it gets more democratic influence, with greater participation of people in its deliberations and decisions, with its plurality and complexity. Research carried out by official institutions was necessary to have evidence of the low level of social development of the country and the nonattendance of minimum basic rights, as well as exposure to various acts and omissions which show that all public authorities do not legitimately represent the people's interests. The competence of the Supreme Court to establish the broader scope of the remuneration policy in the public service received proper attention, presenting itself as an effective means to promote the reduction of the remuneration and structural inequality in public service and contributing to better care of fundamental rights. Also, considerations were made about the Decree 8243/2014, which established the National Policy for Social Participation (NPSP) and the National System of Social Participation (NSSP) and took other measures with the suggestion of its expansion into the legislative and judiciary powers as a way to legitimize the Brazilian democracy, considering its current stage. In conclusion, it is presented the idea expressed by the most influential and modern pedagogical trends for the creation of a participatory, solidary, non-hierarchical and critical culture since the childhood stage. This idea focuses on the resolution of questions addressed to the common good, which considers the complexity and the existing pluralism in society with a view to constant knowledge update. Knowledge update is in turn dynamic and requires such action, instilling - for the future generations - the idea that the creation of a more participatory and collaborative democracy is needed to reduce social inequality as a way to legitimize and promote social welfare, with the implementation of a policy devoted to meet the minimum fundamental rights to ensure dignity to the population.

Projeto ético-político do serviço social e organização política da categoria: dilemas e tensões contemporâneas

The present study was to apprehend the controversies that underlie the political organization of the category nowadays. The research established time frame as the decade from 2003 to 2013, more precisely the situation that opens with Lula's election to the Presidency and its repercussions for the Brazilian left, social movements and for the category. Through documentary research, we studied the professional aspects that are organized politically in different fields , notably the Federal Council of Social Service (CFESS) and the National Federation of Social Workers (FENAS). Seeking to understand their relationship with the Ethical - Political Project of the profession, public documents were analyzed expressing the political positions of these entities, placing the controversies and political differences between them and understanding the political organization as a means to building professionals and corporate projects many.

Emoções, documentos e subjetivação na construção de transexualidades em João Pessoa/PB

This research aims to understand how the affective components involved in transgender relations with documents constitute specific ways in which these people recognize themselves and build their bodies and their paths, their life projects and their relationship with others. We understand that the documents, if the personal identification or those produced by social movements, legal actors and health and the State, are experienced by trans people beyond administrative functions that are initially thought, but also involve a series of emotional experiences mark their subjective processes, in how these people produce themselves and design in the world their sociality networks. We elected as research field two institutions located in the city of João Pessoa (Paraíba State), noting the intense institutional movement, political, social in favor of the rights of transexuals that have occurred in that city in recent years. Thus, the Rights Reference Centre for LGBT and Fight Against Homophobia (Espaço LGBT) and Health Clinic of Transvestites and Transexuals (Ambulatório de Saúde de Travestis e Transexuais) were the spaces where we find our interlocutors and analyze their experiences with the documents noting two key aspects: the search for first name change in the civil registry and the relationship of trans people with documents produced by the health policies and services such as protocols, records, receipts and psychiatric reports. We realized that although there is disagreement about the perception that our interlocutors have on the documentation that regulates health services, all reported experiencing embarrassment in social situations when you have those who make use of a document that is not consistent with the performance and “social face” taken. In addition to the reports of embarrassment, we saw that the discussion of social distress and trauma has grounded the platforms of social movements, public policy, legal processes and become “narratives of pains” that present strong potential micro-political on demand for rights to “trans people”.

O significado da educação popular na formação dos trabalhadores de saúde: estudo com base em experiências de extensão universitária

A Saúde do Trabalhador (ST) refere-se a um campo do saber que compreende as relações entre o trabalho e o processo saúde/doença de modo articulado a um corpo de práticas teóricas interdisciplinares. No contexto das possibilidades para se efetivar a ST na amplitude que exige este conceito, diferentes iniciativas de Educação Popular em Saúde se articulam com demandas do Controle Social em Saúde, permitindo novas abordagens para configurar a formação crítica e ativa de trabalhadores de saúde e movimentos sociais no mosaico das políticas de ST. Nessa direção, os projetos de extensão universitária orientados pela Educação Popular têm desvelado caminhos metodológicos e novas possibilidades teóricas de pensar a Atenção à Saúde do Trabalhador, de forma articulada com a necessidade de re-significar o processo de formação dos profissionais da saúde, com ênfase no cuidado integral na atenção à saúde. O estudo promovido por ocasião do Doutoramento em Ciências da Saúde propiciou a avaliação do impacto e da potência das ações destes projetos na reorientação do cuidado guiado pela educação popular no campo da saúde do trabalhador. A sistematização foi utilizada como principal estratégia metodológica para a produção dos dados analisados, além de estratégias de pesquisa qualitativa como constituintes da fase exploratória do estudo, tendo como técnica central, nesse sentido, o grupo focal. Os resultados mostraram mudanças significativas no processo do cuidar em saúde guiado pela educação popular, A reorientação de práticas e saberes, coadunadas aos princípios fundamentais do Sistema Único de Saúde, foi observada nos sujeitos que participaram da experiência. A sistematização da experiência permitiu ainda concluir que estratégias de diálogo, organização político-social e troca de experiências de vida se apresentam como cenário significativo no compartilhamento de cultura e saúde do trabalhador, oportunizando crescimento coletivo e melhor qualidade de vida.

A COMUNICAÇÃO POPULAR NA CONSTRUÇÃO E PRESERVAÇÃO DA MEMÓRIA DAS LUTAS POPULARES NO BRASIL (décadas de 1970 e 1980)

Nas décadas de 1970 e 1980 houve a eclosão de experiências comunicacionais populares, em todo Brasil, com vasta produção de materiais, especialmente arquivados pelos centros de documentação. Em sua maioria, criados e financiados por setores progressistas da Igreja Católica e Protestante. Entre eles, o Centro de Pastoral Vergueiro (CPV) e o Centro de Comunicação e Educação Popular de São Miguel Paulista (CEMI) que também tiveram importante papel na construção e preservação da memória das lutas populares no período de reorganização social, no contexto de distensão da ditadura militar. No entanto, tais acervos estão em iminente risco, por falta de investimento e vontade política. O que seria um prejuízo histórico e científico para movimentos sociais atuais e à pesquisa acadêmica. O objetivo do estudo é identificar a que se deve este desinteresse. A abordagem se dá pelo método da história oral e como técnicas de investigação adotamos a pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e a pesquisa de campo, por meio da entrevista em profundidade. A falta de uma política pública que garanta a preservação dos documentos é sinal de que no Brasil predomina uma cultura que não privilegia a memória, sobretudo das camadas empobrecidas da população. Além do que, a memória pode ser subversiva. Afinal tais documentos expressam a força da participação popular no processo de transformação social e podem despertar novas ações, o que não interessa aos grupos que estão no poder.

Movimientos sociales, política y hegemonía en Argentina

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la relación entre los movimientos sociales y la dinámica política en la Argentina. Para ello se analizan primero las acciones de resistencia de los movimientos durante la hegemonía neoliberal, luego durante el período de crisis y finalmente en la etapa "posneoliberal", donde aparecen nuevas condiciones de acción histórica. La mirada sobre las lógicas políticas imbricadas en los procesos nos permitirá aportar a la comprensión de los alcances de la acción de los movimientos sociales en la configuración del orden político actual en Argentina, como parte de acontecimientos históricos de mayor alcance que tienen lugar en países de América Latina

Movimientos sociales, política y hegemonía en Argentina

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la relación entre los movimientos sociales y la dinámica política en la Argentina. Para ello se analizan primero las acciones de resistencia de los movimientos durante la hegemonía neoliberal, luego durante el período de crisis y finalmente en la etapa "posneoliberal", donde aparecen nuevas condiciones de acción histórica. La mirada sobre las lógicas políticas imbricadas en los procesos nos permitirá aportar a la comprensión de los alcances de la acción de los movimientos sociales en la configuración del orden político actual en Argentina, como parte de acontecimientos históricos de mayor alcance que tienen lugar en países de América Latina

Movimientos sociales, política y hegemonía en Argentina

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la relación entre los movimientos sociales y la dinámica política en la Argentina. Para ello se analizan primero las acciones de resistencia de los movimientos durante la hegemonía neoliberal, luego durante el período de crisis y finalmente en la etapa "posneoliberal", donde aparecen nuevas condiciones de acción histórica. La mirada sobre las lógicas políticas imbricadas en los procesos nos permitirá aportar a la comprensión de los alcances de la acción de los movimientos sociales en la configuración del orden político actual en Argentina, como parte de acontecimientos históricos de mayor alcance que tienen lugar en países de América Latina

La Ley de semillas en Argentina: la disputa por el control y el futuro de la agricultura

Desde la llegada de la revolución bioteconológica en la agricultura mundial, las corporaciones semilleras-agroquímicas han avanzado en el control del mercado internacional de alimentos, a partir de diversos mecanismos, entre ellos el de la legislación de derechos de propiedad intelectual. En América Latina, distintos gobiernos han procurado adecuar la legislación nacional a estas tendencias internacionales, con resultado dispar, ya que se ha generado una fuerte resistencia desde organizaciones populares. Argentina, un país de temprana inserción en el mercado internacional de alimentos y de rápida adopción de los derechos de obtentor, está atravesado hoy por una nueva fase de esta disputa, ante la posible sanción de una nueva Ley de Semillas, en la que empresa estadounidense Monsanto está involucrada. Este trabajo hace un repaso del panorama actual desde un punto de vista geográfico, prestando especial atención a las estrategias de las organizaciones que se oponen a la nueva legislación.

El autocuidado y apoyo social de mujeres de un proyecto de seguimiento mamográfico en Porto Alegre/Brasil

Objective: Identify preventive self-care practices and analyze the configurations of the network support for women with and without breast cancer registered in a mammography-monitoring project from Porto Alegre/Brazil.Method: a mixed sequential delimitation was performed, which expanded the results of the quantitative step (cross and correlation section) in a qualitative step (narrative interviews). 37 women diagnosed with breast cancer (group 1) and 72 without this diagnosis (group 2 – monitoring) participated. The following instruments were used: Assessment Questionnaire Self-care Ability (ASA-A) and Assessment Questionnaire Perceived Social Support and Community. There were performed descriptive analysis and comparison of means (t test and ANOVA) between the two groups. To deepen the understanding of the data, we selected four women with breast cancer with extreme levels on the scale of Social Support to participate in the biographical narrative interviews.Results: the analysis indicate that women who had breast cancer have better self-care practices than the women from the monitoring project (t = 1.791, P = 0.027). As for the analysis of social support, there were no statistically significant differences between the two groups. All participants have an average level of perceived social and community support. It was highlighted by the qualitative data that it was after the diagnosis of breast cancer that women lived self-care aspects they had not previously experienced.Conclusions: the self-care was significantly bigger in the group of women with breast cancer, where the cancer diagnosis was a trigger to increase self-care.

Colectivos sociales y ciborgs: hacia una lectura feminista de los drones

Este artículo analiza el papel de los drones en la emergencia de nuevas formas de participación política e impugnación del poder por parte de colectivos sociales. El artículo plantea una lectura feminista de los drones como ciborgs (humanos-máquinas) para explorar las agencias distribuidas entre actores humanos y no humanos con el propósito de visibilizar las relaciones de poder y analizar la configuración de contra-realidades. Se presentan ocho casos de colectivos sociales que, con la ayuda de un dron, disputan el poder de gobiernos, empresas transnacionales además de desempeñar innovadoras intervenciones públicas.

The Internet as opportunity and challenge in contemporary social movements

This paper explores the relationship between the rise of “new” social movements (15-M and Occupy) and the Internet. The new social media gives rise to new kinds of social movements  which embed this technology from the moment of conception. The future of social movements will be characterised by movinets, which will have the effect of developing new efficient ways of activism. The movinets, with their embedded technology and capacity to circulate ideas among different spheres of reality, have a potential to alter the dynamics of social mobilisation.