Maintaining student engagement in a multidisciplinary allied health communication skills course

Effective communication is an important graduate capability for allied health students but there are few opportunities for students to engage with these skills in a dedicated manner at an undergraduate level. This paper reported on the use of active learning and relevance-building strategies to maintain student engagement in a multidisciplinary allied health communication skills course at an Australian university. Students (N = 736) completed an engagement survey during the first and final lecture. While most degree programs reported no difference in engagement across semester, nursing/paramedic students reported a significant decrease in student engagement. A perceived lack of disciplinary relevance may account for student disengagement in this group, illustrating the challenge of delivering an authentic learning experience whilst engaging students from diverse degree programs.

Twitter hashtags from ad hoc to calculated publics

As the use of Twitter has become more commonplace throughout many nations, its role in political discussion has also increased. This has been evident in contexts ranging from general political discussion through local, state, and national elections (such as in the 2010 Australian elections) to protests and other activist mobilisation (for example in the current uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Yemen, as well as in the controversy around Wikileaks). Research into the use of Twitter in such political contexts has also developed rapidly, aided by substantial advancements in quantitative and qualitative methodologies for capturing, processing, analysing, and visualising Twitter updates by large groups of users. Recent work has especially highlighted the role of the Twitter hashtag – a short keyword, prefixed with the hash symbol ‘#’ – as a means of coordinating a distributed discussion between more or less large groups of users, who do not need to be connected through existing ‘follower’ networks. Twitter hashtags – such as ‘#ausvotes’ for the 2010 Australian elections, ‘#londonriots’ for the coordination of information and political debates around the recent unrest in London, or ‘#wikileaks’ for the controversy around Wikileaks thus aid the formation of ad hoc publics around specific themes and topics. They emerge from within the Twitter community – sometimes as a result of pre-planning or quickly reached consensus, sometimes through protracted debate about what the appropriate hashtag for an event or topic should be (which may also lead to the formation of competing publics using different hashtags). Drawing on innovative methodologies for the study of Twitter content, this paper examines the use of hashtags in political debate in the context of a number of major case studies.

Social media in selected Australian federal and state election campaigns, 2010-15

Campaigning in Australian election campaigns at local, state, and federal levels is fundamentally affected by the fact that voting is compulsory in Australia, with citizens who are found to have failed to cast their vote subject to fines. This means that - contrary to the situation in most other nations – elections are decided not by which candidate or party has managed to encourage the largest number of nominal supporters to make the effort to cast their vote, but by some 10-20% of genuine ‘swinging voters’ who change their party preferences from one election to the next. Political campaigning is thus aimed less at existing party supporters (so-called ‘rusted on’ voters whose continued support for the party is essentially taken for granted) than at this genuinely undecided middle of the electorate. Over the past decades, this has resulted in a comparatively timid, vague campaigning style from both major party blocs (the progressive Australian Labor Party [ALP] and the conservative Coalition of the Liberal and National Parties [L/NP]). Election commitments that run the risk of being seen as too partisan and ideological are avoided as they could scare away swinging voters, and recent elections have been fought as much (or more) on the basis of party leaders’ perceived personas as they have on stated policies, even though Australia uses a parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and state Premiers are elected by their party room rather than directly by voters. At the same time, this perceived lack of distinctiveness in policies between the major parties has also enabled the emergence of new, smaller parties which (under Australia’s Westminster-derived political system) have no hope of gaining a parliamentary majority but could, in a close election, come to hold the balance of power and thus exert disproportionate influence on a government which relies on their support.

May the best Tweeter win : The Twitter strategies of key campaign accounts in the 2012 US election

The 2008 US election has been heralded as the first presidential election of the social media era, but took place at a time when social media were still in a state of comparative infancy; so much so that the most important platform was not Facebook or Twitter, but the purpose-built campaign site my.barackobama.com, which became the central vehicle for the most successful electoral fundraising campaign in American history. By 2012, the social media landscape had changed: Facebook and, to a somewhat lesser extent, Twitter are now well-established as the leading social media platforms in the United States, and were used extensively by the campaign organisations of both candidates. As third-party spaces controlled by independent commercial entities, however, their use necessarily differs from that of home-grown, party-controlled sites: from the point of view of the platform itself, a @BarackObama or @MittRomney is technically no different from any other account, except for the very high follower count and an exceptional volume of @mentions. In spite of the significant social media experience which Democrat and Republican campaign strategists had already accumulated during the 2008 campaign, therefore, the translation of such experience to the use of Facebook and Twitter in their 2012 incarnations still required a substantial amount of new work, experimentation, and evaluation. This chapter examines the Twitter strategies of the leading accounts operated by both campaign headquarters: the ‘personal’ candidate accounts @BarackObama and @MittRomney as well as @JoeBiden and @PaulRyanVP, and the campaign accounts @Obama2012 and @TeamRomney. Drawing on datasets which capture all tweets from and at these accounts during the final months of the campaign (from early September 2012 to the immediate aftermath of the election night), we reconstruct the campaigns’ approaches to using Twitter for electioneering from the quantitative and qualitative patterns of their activities, and explore the resonance which these accounts have found with the wider Twitter userbase. A particular focus of our investigation in this context will be on the tweeting styles of these accounts: the mixture of original messages, @replies, and retweets, and the level and nature of engagement with everyday Twitter followers. We will examine whether the accounts chose to respond (by @replying) to the messages of support or criticism which were directed at them, whether they retweeted any such messages (and whether there was any preferential retweeting of influential or – alternatively – demonstratively ordinary users), and/or whether they were used mainly to broadcast and disseminate prepared campaign messages. Our analysis will highlight any significant differences between the accounts we examine, trace changes in style over the course of the final campaign months, and correlate such stylistic differences with the respective electoral positioning of the candidates. Further, we examine the use of these accounts during moments of heightened attention (such as the presidential and vice-presidential debates, or in the context of controversies such as that caused by the publication of the Romney “47%” video; additional case studies may emerge over the remainder of the campaign) to explore how they were used to present or defend key talking points, and exploit or avert damage from campaign gaffes. A complementary analysis of the messages directed at the campaign accounts (in the form of @replies or retweets) will also provide further evidence for the extent to which these talking points were picked up and disseminated by the wider Twitter population. Finally, we also explore the use of external materials (links to articles, images, videos, and other content on the campaign sites themselves, in the mainstream media, or on other platforms) by the campaign accounts, and the resonance which these materials had with the wider follower base of these accounts. This provides an indication of the integration of Twitter into the overall campaigning process, by highlighting how the platform was used as a means of encouraging the viral spread of campaign propaganda (such as advertising materials) or of directing user attention towards favourable media coverage. By building on comprehensive, large datasets of Twitter activity (as of early October, our combined datasets comprise some 3.8 million tweets) which we process and analyse using custom-designed social media analytics tools, and by using our initial quantitative analysis to guide further qualitative evaluation of Twitter activity around these campaign accounts, we are able to provide an in-depth picture of the use of Twitter in political campaigning during the 2012 US election which will provide detailed new insights social media use in contemporary elections. This analysis will then also be able to serve as a touchstone for the analysis of social media use in subsequent elections, in the USA as well as in other developed nations where Twitter and other social media platforms are utilised in electioneering.

Democracy, Participation, and Deliberation in China : The discussion about democratic centralism in the official Chinese press, 1978-1981

This study examines the Chinese press discussion about democratic centralism in 1978-1981 in newspapers, political journals and academic journals distributed nationwide. It is thus a study of intellectual trends during the Hua Guofeng period and of methods, strategies, and techniques of public political discussion of the time. In addition, this study presents democratic centralism as a comprehensive theory of democracy and evaluates this theory. It compares the Chinese theory of democratic centralism with Western traditions of democracy, not only with the standard liberal theory but also with traditions of participatory and deliberative democracy, in order to evaluate whether the Chinese theory of democratic centralism forms a legitimate theory of democracy. It shows that the Chinese theory comes close to participatory types of democracy and shares a conception of democracy as communication with the theory of deliberative democracy. Therefore, the Chinese experience provides some empirical evidence of the practicability of these traditions of democracy. Simultaneously, this study uses experiences of participatory democracies outside of China to explain some earlier findings about the Chinese practices. This dissertation also compares Chinese theory with some common Western theories and models of Chinese society as well as with Western understandings of Chinese political processes. It thus aims at opening more dialogue between Chinese and Western political theories and understandings about Chinese polity. This study belongs to scholarly traditions of the history of ideas, political philosophy, comparative politics, and China studies. The main finding of this study is that the Chinese theory of democratic centralism is essentially a theory about democracy, but whether its scrupulous practicing alone would be sufficient for making a country a democracy depends on which established definition of democracy one applies and on what kind of democratic deficits are seen as being acceptable within a truly democratic system. Nevertheless, since the Chinese theory of democratic centralism fits well with some established definitions of democracy and since democratic deficits are a reality in all actual democracies, the Chinese themselves are talking about democracy in terms acceptable to Western political philosophy as well.

Untersuchungen zur Fachsprache der Ökologie und des Umweltschutzes im Deutschen und Finnischen : Bezeichnungsvarianten unter einem geschichtlichen, lexikographischen, morphologischen und linguistisch-pragmatischen Aspekt

The work integrates research in the language and terminology of various fields with lexicography, etymology, semantics, word formation, and pragmatics. Additionally, examination of German and Finnish provides the work with perspective of contrastive linguistics and the translation of texts in specialized fields. The work is an attempt to chart the language, vocabulary, different textual types, and essential communication-connected features of this special field. The study is primary concerned with internal communication within the field of ecology, but it also provides a comparison of the public discussion of environmental issues in Germany and Finland. The work attempts to use textual signs to provide a picture of the literary communication used on the different vertical levels in the central text types within the field. The dictionaries in the fields of environmental issues and ecology for the individual text types are examined primarily from the perspective of their quantity and diversity. One central point of the work is to clarify and collect all of the dictionaries in the field that have been compiled thus far in which German and/or Finnish ware included. Ecology and environmental protection are closely linked not only to each other but also to many other scientific fields. Consequently, the language of the environmental field has acquired an abundance of influences and vocabulary from the language of the special fields close to it as well as from that of politics and various areas of public administration. The work also demonstrates how the popularization of environmental terminology often leads to semantic distortion. Traditionally, scientific texts have used the smallest number of expressions, the purpose of which is to appeal to or influence the behavior of the text recipient. Particularly in Germany, those who support or oppose measures to protect the environment have long been making concerted efforts to represent their own views in the language that they use. When discussing controversial issues competing designations for the same referent or concept are used in accordance with the interest group to which the speaker belongs. One of the objectives of the study is to sensitize recipients of texts to notice the euphemistic expressions that occur in German and Finnish texts dealing with issues that are sensitive from the standpoint of environmental policy. One particular feature of the field is the wealth and large number of variants designating the same entry or concept. The terminological doublets formed by words of foreign origin and their German or Finnish language equivalents are quite typical of the field. Methods of corpus linguistics are used to determine the reasons for the large number of variant designations as well as their functionality.

Measuring attitudes in translation: a study of Nokia business reports

Background Contemporary Finnish, spoken and written, reveals loanwords or foreignisms in the form of hybrids: a mixture of Finnish and foreign syllables (alumiinivalua). Sometimes loanwords are inserted into the Finnish sentence in their raw form just as they are found in the source language (pulp, after sales palvelu). Again, sometimes loanwords are calques, which appear Finnish but are spelled and pronounced in an altogether foreign manner (Protomanageri, Promenadi kampuksella). Research Questions What role does Finnish business translation play in the migration of foreignisms into Finnish if we consider translation "as a construct of solutions determined by the ideological constraints and conflicts characterizing the target culture" (Robyns 1992: 212)? What attitudes do the Finns display toward the presence of foreignisms in their language? What socio-economic or ideological conditions (Bassnett 1994: 321) are responsible for these attitudes? Are these conditions dynamic? What tools can be used to measure such attitudes? This dissertation set out to answer these and similar questions. Attitudes are imperialist (where otherness is both denied and transformed), defensive (where otherness is acknowledged, transformed, and vilified), transdiscursive (a neutral attitude to both otherness and transformation), or finally defective (where alien migration is acknowledged and "stimulated") (Robyns 1994: 60). Methodology The research method follows Rose's schema (1984: 8): (a) take an existing theory, (b) develop from it a proposition specific enough to be tested, (c) devise a scheme that tests this proposition, (d) carry through the scheme in practice, (e) draw up results and discuss conclusions in relation to the original theory. In other words, the method attempts an explanation of a Finnish social phenomenon based on systematic analyses of translated evidence (Lewins 1992: 4) whereby what really matters is the logical sequence that connects the empirical data to the initial research questions raised above and, ultimately to its conclusion (Yin 1984: 29). Results This research found that Finnish translators of the Nokia annual reports used a foreignism whenever possible such as komponentin instead of rakenneosa, or investoida instead of sijoittaa, and often without any apparent justification (Pryce 2003: 203-12) more than the translator's personal preference. In the old documents (minutes of meetings of the Board of Directors of Osakeyhtio H. Saastamoinen, Ltd. dated 5 July 1912-1917, a NOPSA booklet (1932), Enzo-Gutzeit-Tornator Oy document (1938), Imatra Steel Oy Annual Report 1964, and Nokia Oy Annual Report 1946), foreignisms under Haugen's (1950: 210-31) Classification #1 occurred an average of 0.6 times, while in the new documents (Nokia 1998 translated Annual Reports) they occurred an average of 6.5 times. That big difference, suggests transdiscursive and defective attitudes in Finnish society toward the other. In the 1850s, Finnish attitudes toward alien persons and cultures were hardened, intolerant and prohibitive because language politics were both nascent and emerging, and Finns adopted a defensive stance (Paloposki 2002: 102 ff) to protect their cultural and national treasures such as language and folklore. Innovation The innovation here is that no prior doctoral level research measured Finnish attitudes toward foreignisms using a business translation approach. This is the first time that Haugen's classification has been modified and applied in target language analysis. It is hoped that this method would be replicated in similar research in the future. Applications For practical applications, researchers with interest in languages, language development, language influences, language ideologies, and power structures that affect national language policies will find this thesis useful, especially the model for collecting, grouping, and analyzing foreignisms that has been demonstrated here. It is intended to document for posterity current attitudes of Finns toward the other as revealed in business translations from 1912-1964, and in 1998. This way, future language researchers would be able to explore a time-line of Finnish language development and attitudes toward the other. Communication firms may also find this research interesting. In future, could the model we adopted be used to analyze literary texts or religious texts for example? Future Trends Though business documents show transdiscursive attitudes, other segments of Finnish society may show defensive or imperialist attitudes. When the ideology of industrialization changes in the future, will Finnish attitudes toward the other change as well? Will it then be possible to use the same kind of analytical tools to measure Finnish attitudes? More broadly, will linguistic change continue in the same direction of transdiscursive attitudes, or will the change slow down or even reverse into xenophobic attitudes? Is this our model culture-specific or can it be used in the context of other cultures? Conclusion There is anger against foreignisms in Finland as newspaper publications and television broadcasts show, but research shows that a majority of Finns consider foreignisms and the languages from which they come as sources of enrichment for Finnish culture (Laitinen 2000, Eurobarometer series 41 of July 1994, 44 of Spring 1996, 50 of Autumn 1998). Ideologies of industrialization and globalization in Finland have facilitated transdiscursive tendencies. When Finland's political ideology was intolerant toward foreign influences in the 1850s because Finland was in the process of consolidating her nascent country and language, attitudes toward the importation of loanwords also became intolerant. Presently, when industrialization and globalization became the dominant ideologies, we see a shift in attitudes toward transdiscursive tendencies. Ideology is usually unseen and too often ignored by translation researchers. However, ideology reveals itself as the most powerful factor affecting language attitudes in a target culture. Key words Finnish, Business Translation, Ideology, Foreignisms, Imperialist Attitudes, Defensive Attitudes, Transdiscursive Attitudes, Defective Attitudes, the Other, Old Documents, New Documents.

Improving health and safety communication of migrant construction workers

Although statistical data in some developed countries indicate that migrant workers are nearly 30% more likely to have work-related injuries than local workers, no equivalent official injury/ incident statistics on the health and safety (H&S) of migrant workers are currently tracked in Australia. With increasing numbers of migrant workers having joined Australia’s extractive industries infrastructure and commercial construction industry, this suggests the need for some investigation. A particular issue is that lack of H&S communication is one of the key factors leading to construction industry accidents/ incidents as it prevents workers from effectively receiving H&S safety training and acquiring H&S information. Migrant workers whose first languages are not English are particularly affected by this problem and ways are needed to improve their situation. The research aims to do this by evaluating the H&S communication problems of migrant workers and identify an effective H&S communication structure. An overview of the challenge being addressed by the research is firstly provided, followed by a description of the research framework, and a report of the initial findings, from which recommendations are provided for improving H&S performance in the construction industry.

History, Transfer, Politics : Five studies on the legacy of Uppsala philosophy

The Uppsala school of Axel Hägerström can be said to have been the last genuinely Swedish philosophical movement. On the other hand, the Swedish analytic tradition is often said to have its roots in Hägerström s thought. This work examines the transformation from Uppsala philosophy to analytic philosophy from an actor-based historical perspective. The aim is to describe how a group of younger scholars (Ingemar Hedenius, Konrad Marc-Wogau, Anders Wedberg, Alf Ross, Herbert Tingsten, Gunnar Myrdal) colonised the legacy of Hägerström and Uppsala philosophy, and faced the challenges they met in trying to reconcile this legacy with the changing philosophical and political currents of the 1930s and 40s. Following Quentin Skinner, the texts are analysed as moves or speech acts in a particular historical context. The thesis consists of five previously published case studies and an introduction. The first study describes how the image of Hägerström as the father of the Swedish analytic tradition was created by a particular faction of younger Uppsala philosophers who (re-) presented the Hägerströmian philosophy as a parallel movement to logical empiricism. The second study examines the confrontations between Uppsala philosophy and logical empiricism in both the editorial board and in the pages of Sweden s leading philosophical journal Theoria. The third study focuses on how the younger generation redescribed Hägerströmian legal philosophical ideas (Scandinavian Legal Realism), while the fourth study discusses how they responded to the accusations of a connection between Hägerström s value nihilistic theory and totalitarianism. Finally, the fifth study examines how the Swedish social scientist and Social Democratic intellectual Gunnar Myrdal tried to reconcile value nihilism with a strong political programme for social reform. The contribution of this thesis to the field consists mainly in a re-evaluation of the role of Uppsala philosophy in the history of Swedish philosophy. From this perspective the Uppsala School was less a collection of certain definite philosophical ideas than an intellectual legacy that was the subject of fierce struggles. Its theories and ideas were redescribed in various ways by individual actors with different philosophical and political intentions.

The Politics of Adoption: International Perspectives on Law, Policy and Practice, Third edition

Adoption is a complex social phenomenon, intimately knitted into its family law framework and shaped by the pressures affecting the family in its local social context. It is a mirror reflecting the changes in our family life and the efforts of family law to address those changes. This has caused it to be variously defined in different societies in the same society, at different times and across a range of contemporary societies.

Public-private partnerships in information and communication technology for education

Public-private partnerships (PPPs) have generated a lot of interest from governments around the world for leveraging private sector involvement in developing and sustaining public infrastructure and services. Initially, PPPs were favoured by transport, energy, and other large infrastructure-intensive sectors. More recently, the concept has been expanded to include social sectors such as education.

Personality and social psychological studies on computer-mediated communication in school settings

The present study examined how personality and social psychological factors affect third and fourth graders' computer-mediated communication. Personality was analysed in terms of the following strategies: optimism, pessimism and defensive pessimism. Students worked either individually or in dyads which were paired homogeneously or heterogeneously according to the strategies. Moreover, the present study compared horizontal and vertical interaction. The study also examined the role that popularity plays, and students were divided into groups based on their popularity level. The results show that an optimistic strategy is useful. Optimism was found to be related to the active production and processing of ideas. Although previous research has identified drawbacks to pessimism in achievement settings, this study shows that the pessimistic strategy is not as debilitating a strategy as is usually assumed. Pessimistic students were able to process their ideas. However, defensive pessimists were somewhat cautious in introducing or changing ideas. Heterogeneous dyads were not beneficial configurations with respect to producing, introducing, or changing ideas. Moreover, many differences were found to exist between the horizontal and vertical interaction; specifically, the students expressed more opinions and feelings when teachers took no part in the discussions. Strong emotions were observed especially in the horizontal interaction. Further, group working skills were found to be more important for boys than for girls, while rejected students were not at a disadvantage compared to popular ones. Schools can encourage emotional and social learning. The present study shows that students can use computers to express their feelings. In addition, students who are unpopular in non-computer contexts or students who use pessimism can benefit from computers. Participation in computer discussions can give unpopular children a chance to develop confidence when relating to peers.

Soliciting additional concerns in the primary care consultation and the utility of a brief communication intervention to aid solicitation: A qualitative study

Objective To investigate the perspectives of general practitioners (GPs) on the practice of soliciting additional concerns (ACs) and the acceptability and utility of two brief interventions (prompts) designed to aid the solicitation. Methods Eighteen GPs participating in a feasibility randomised controlled trial were interviewed. Interviews were semi-structured and audio-recorded. Data were analysed using a Framework Approach. Results Participants perceived eliciting ACs as important for: reducing the need for multiple visits, identifying serious illness early, and increasing patient and GP satisfaction. GPs found the prompts easy to use and some continued their use after the study had ended to aid time management. Others noted similarities between the intervention and their usual practice. Nevertheless, soliciting ACs in every consultation was not unanimously supported. Conclusion The prompts were acceptable to GPs within a trial context, but there was disagreement as to whether ACs should be solicited routinely. Some GPs considered the intervention to aid their prioritisation efficiency within consultations. Practice implications Some GPs will find prompts which encourage ACs to be solicited early in the consultation enable them to better organise priorities and manage time-limited consultations more effectively.

D-MG Tradeoff and Optimal Codes for a Class of AF and DF Cooperative Communication Protocols

Cooperative relay communication in a fading channel environment under the orthogonal amplify-and-forward (OAF), nonorthogonal and orthogonal selection decode-and-forward (NSDF and OSDF) protocols is considered here. The diversity-multiplexing gain tradeoff (DMT) of the three protocols is determined and DMT-optimal distributed space-time (ST) code constructions are provided. The codes constructed are sphere decodable and in some instances incur minimum possible delay. Included in our results is the perhaps surprising finding that the orthogonal and the nonorthogonal amplify-and-forward (NAF) protocols have identical DMT when the time durations of the broadcast and cooperative phases are optimally chosen to suit the respective protocol. Moreover our code construction for the OAF protocol incurs less delay. Two variants of the NSDF protocol are considered: fixed-NSDF and variable-NSDF protocol. In the variable-NSDF protocol, the fraction of time occupied by the broadcast phase is allowed to vary with multiplexing gain. The variable-NSDF protocol is shown to improve on the DMT of the best previously known static protocol when the number of relays is greater than two. Also included is a DMT optimal code construction for the NAF protocol.

The role of aesthetic style in the visual communication of climate change

Public apathy on the issue of Anthropogenic Climate Change (ACC) is widespread, with more than half of surveyed Australians and Britons in denial of the phenomenon. While much is known about media influences and strategies such as message framing, there is little in the way of research on the impact of designed visual communication. This study builds knowledge and challenges assumptions by employing a relational approach between ACC visual communications, the professionals producing them, and the members of society that these communications are attempting to influence, contributing knowledge to the fields of graphic design, science communication and social science.