The development of self-recognition in mirrors and live videos

By 24-months of age most children show mirror self-recognition. When surreptitiously marked on their forehead and then presented with a mirror, they explore their own head for the unexpected mark. Here we demonstrate that self-recognition in mirrors does not generalize to other visual feedback. We tested 80 children on mirror and live video versions of the task. Whereas 90% of 24-month olds passed the mirror version, only 35% passed the video version. Seventy percent of 30-month olds showed video selfrecognition and only by age 36-months did the pass rate on the video version reach 90%. It remains to be y 24-months of age most children show mirror self-recognition. When surreptitiously marked on their forehead and then presented with a mirror, they explore their own head for the unexpected mark. Here we demonstrate that self-recognition in mirrors does not generalize to other visual feedback. We tested 80 children on mirror and live video versions of the task. Whereas 90% of 24-month olds passed the mirror version, only 35% passed the video version. Seventy percent of 30-month olds showed video selfrecognition and only by age 36-months did the pass rate on the video version reach 90%. It remains to be

Am I being treated fairly by my leaders? The roles of group identification and self-other comparisons in judgements of procedural justice

The current experiment focuses on the roles of social identity and social comparison in perceptions of procedural justice. Participants are randomly allocated to conditions in a 2 (whether the participant has the opportunity to voice an opinion), X 2 (whether the comparison other has the opportunity to voice an opinion), X 2 (whether the comparison other is an ingroup or an outgroup member), between subjects design. Participants are then asked to report the extent to which they perceive the procedure they are involved in to be fair. It is predicted that participants will have a strong feeling of procedural unfairness when they are not given an opportunity by the leader to voice their opinion, but learn that their comparison other is given that opportunity. It is also predicted that the feeling of unfairness should be stronger when the comparison other is an outgroup rather than an ingroup member. Additionally, participants receiving a fair treatment may regard the procedure as fair when their outgoup comparison other receives an unfair treatment. Results support these predictions and reveal that how people make judgments of procedural justice through social comparison is qualified by the social identities of the parties involved.

Self-reported risk perception, mood and risk behaviour across the human menstrual cycle

Normally ovulating women exhibit a decline in risk behaviours that may lead to sexual assault during the fertile phase of the menstrual cycle, whereas women using the Pill do not. The current study tests two explanatory models: the mood and fertility models. Self-reported risk and non-risk behaviours, mood, and risk perception in sexual assault and physical risk domains were assessed by testing fiftyone women at menstruation and during their fertile period. Based on the decline in risk behaviours shown in past research, the fertility model predicts that normally ovulating women will display greater risk perception during the fertile phase of their cycle. The mood model predicts that at menstruation, when negative mood is highest, risk perception will be increased and risk behaviours correspondingly reduced. Risk behaviours did not vary over the cycle or between groups. Overall, results support the mood model. Negative mood was greater at menstruation and positive mood during the fertile period for both groups, rational risk perception was correspondingly greater at menstruation. The fertility model was not supported as risk perception ratings did not vary in the expected direction and ratings were not specific to the sexual assault domain.