773 resultados para Parliamentary disputations
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The parliamentary representation in the Southern Cone integration is the main issue in this article, which analyzes some implications of the institutionalization of Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur). Consolidation and deepening of the integration process are related to the very weakness of congressional action under the Joint Parliamentary Committee and even the Parlasur. The hypothesis is that the creation of the Mercosur Parliament could contribute to the integration process only insofar as it could overcome the limitations experienced by the Joint Parliamentary Commission and go forward in building a democratic and representative body of regional integration.
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Vasco Pratolini recreates the 1920’s and the assertion of fascism resorting to the medieval and historiographical tradition, to the social outlook and the childhood memoir. Under the effects of the intellectual movement of the Italian Resistance, within the democratic context of the parliamentary republic and pluripartyism (1946- 1948), the novel makes clear the equalitarian perspective betraying the represented moment, when hopelessness crowned the political and social life. Carlo Lizzani shoots his adaptation in the closure of horizons caused by the restoration of the conservative forces (1953), reducing the visionary focus of the narrative and representing the past from the disillusionments of the present.
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This text is part of ongoing research that aims to verify the constitutional regulation of the communication rights, elaborated by constituent process on 87/88. For hypothesis, the research considers that was the intention of the constituent regulate the rights related to the communication. To fulfill to these objectives the research analyzes the legislative proposals and debates during the constituent process, related to the regulation of communication rights. In this text specifically will be presented the results of the research the parliamentary debates that had occurred in the plenary of the National Constituent Assembly. The partial results of the research point that the constituent intended to impose a social control to the communication rights, corroborating in this way this hypothesis of the research.
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS
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How might the continuous changes in the standing orders of the Camera dei Deputati between 1861 and 1922 be explained? To answer this question, the text investigates the political events associated with standing order reforms. Two results are emphasized. On the one hand, and contrary to common views, the study shows that the reforms were not casual or episodic, but resulted from different sets of political pressure, internal or external to the parliamentary ambit. This fact, on the other hand, draws attention to the need to go deeper into the question of the institutional evolution of the liberal parliament, chiefly with regard to relations among institutional actors.
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Studies of electoral fraud tend to focus their analyses only on the pre-electoral or electoral phases. By examining the Brazilian First Republic (1889-1930), this article shifts the focus to a later phase, discussing a particular type of electoral fraud that has been little explored by the literature, namely, that perpetrated by the legislatures themselves during the process of giving final approval to election results. The Brazilian case is interesting because of a practice known as degola ('beheading') whereby electoral results were altered when Congress decided on which deputies to certify as duly elected. This has come to be seen as a widespread and standard practice in this period. However, this article shows that this final phase of rubber-stamping or overturning election results was important not because of the number of degolas, which was actually much lower than the literature would have us believe, but chiefly because of their strategic use during moments of political uncertainty. It argues that the congressional certification of electoral results was deployed as a key tool in ensuring the political stability of the Republican regime in the absence of an electoral court.
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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate whether some positions in democratic theory should be adjusted or abandoned in view of internationalisation; and if adjusted, how. More specifically it pursues three different aims: to evaluate various attempts to explain levels of democracy as consequences of internationalisation; to investigate whether the taking into account of internationalisation reveals any reason to reconsider what democracy is or means; and to suggest normative interpretations that cohere with the adjustments of conceptual and explanatory democratic theory made in the course of meeting the other two aims. When empirical methods are used, the scope of the study is restricted to West European parliamentary democracies and their international affairs. More particularly, the focus is on the making of budget policy in Britain, France, and Sweden after the Second World War, and recent budget policy in the European Union. The aspects of democracy empirically analysed are political autonomy, participation, and deliberation. The material considered includes parliamentary debates, official statistics, economic forecasts, elections manifestos, shadow budgets, general election turnouts, regulations of budget decision-making, and staff numbers in government and parliament budgetary divisions. The study reaches the following conclusions among others. (i) The fact that internationalisation increases the divergence between those who make and those who are affected by decisions is not by itself a democratic problem that calls for political reform. (ii) That international organisations may have authorities delegated to them from democratic states is not sufficient to justify them democratically. Democratisation still needs to be undertaken. (iii) The fear that internationalisation dissolves a social trust necessary for political deliberation within nations seems to be unwarranted. If anything, views argued by others in domestic budgetary debate are taken increasingly serious during internationalisation. (iv) The major difficulty with deliberation seems to be its inability to transcend national boundaries. International deliberation at state level has not evolved in response to internationalisation and it is undeveloped in international institutions. (v) Democratic political autonomy diminishes during internationalisation with regard to income redistribution and policy areas taken over by international organisations, but it seems to increase in public spending. (vi) In the area of budget policy-making there are no signs that governments gain power at the expense of parliaments during internationalisation. (vii) To identify crucial democratic issues in a time of internationalisation and to make room for theoretical virtues like general applicability and normative fruitfulness, democracy may be defined as a kind of politics where as many as possible decide as much as possible.
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Nella tesi si analizzano le principali fonti del rumore aeronautico, lo stato dell'arte dal punto di vista normativo, tecnologico e procedurale. Si analizza lo stato dell'arte anche riguardo alla classificazione degli aeromobili, proponendo un nuovo indice prestazionale in alternativa a quello indicato dalla metodologia di certificazione (AC36-ICAO) Allo scopo di diminuire l'impatto acustico degli aeromobili in fase di atterraggio, si analizzano col programma INM i benefici di procedure CDA a 3° rispetto alle procedure tradizionali e, di seguito di procedure CDA ad angoli maggiori in termini di riduzione di lunghezza e di area delle isofoniche SEL85, SEL80 e SEL75.
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The present thesis treats the issue of gender equality in Macedonia during the period of transition from the socialist system to the one of parliamentary democracy. The main aim is to mainstream the gender perspective in the analysis of the transitional policies through the examination of the basic citizenship rights to which citizens are entitled and by the means of the evaluation of their capabilities to exercise these rights. Gender equality, as one of the main strongholds of the concept of human development is measured through the application of nine gender relevant capabilities in a Case study conducted within selected municipalities in the country. Through the analysis of the Macedonian constitutional and legal framework and the assessment of gender based inequalities, the research questions the need for the enactment of a process of engendering of citizenship, which would integrate gender based differences, contemplate the private sphere of citizens lives and pledge participation in the political life of the country. The thesis, finally, analyses the gender equality strategy of the Macedonian government with the purpose to evaluate whether it is context based, i.e. it tackles the main fields where inequalities emerge and in this context whether it envisages a process of engendering of citizenship.
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This study focus on pathologies - caused by impoverished uranium and other heavy-metals’ nanoparticles environmental pollution - developed in international military personnel deployed in critical areas; the pathologies are then placed in a general and chronological schema. This study shows an impressive collection of data on impoverished uranium characteristics and its employment in civil and military context and a map of impoverished uranium most polluted areas. The studies on this subject commissioned by two Italian Parliamentary Court of Inquiry and by other nations are then analyzed. Further etiopathogenetic hypothesis are assessed – as multivaccination – comparing vaccination protocols adopted by different NATO nations and their possible effects. Finally the study defines the objectives and the operational protocols of an ongoing epidemiological serial prospective study (time-frame scheduled of 30 years) on military personnel deployed in critical areas for the possible presence of genotoxic agents.
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The transformation of legislative processes in the Information society: from eLegislation to eParliament This research analyzes, by means of an interdisciplinary and comparative approach, the transformation of legislative processes produced by the introduction of new ICT technologies. The use of ICT in support of parliamentary activities is concerned with efficiency of parliamentary process and aims at more transparent procedures, improved access to documents, social participation and cooperation among institutions. With ICT Parliaments are now able to improve their efficiency and optimize their business; they can advance the dialogue with their citizen both, through the real access and the effective availability of information and, through new way of participation in the democratic process. Finally, sharing information, know-out, best practices and other records, Parliaments will be able to develop new information and knowledge and to strengthen the role and power of Institutions. Only through a global vision of the full process, re-thinking and develop rules and uniform standard and so implementing the new opportunities carrying out by ICT, it will be possible to put in practice concrete eParliament results. The Research goals are at least three: 1. To Analysed the legislative process and the ICT opportunities to understand the impact of the latter on the former. In particular to check up the problems that ICT can raise in relation of the constitutional principles ensuring the process itself. 2. To realized an abstract model representing the legislative process regardless of the form of government, chambers composition, legal system, etc. 3. To suggest standard, structural, linguistic and ontological, able to implement the new opportunities of sharing, cooperation and reuse among the many and various stakeholders of the democratic/legislative view.
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This paper presents a case study of the self-confident and creative fusion of European and African political symbols and rituals that is characteristic of Ghanaian statehood and nation-making. It explores the aesthetic and historical genealogy of the Ghanaian ‘Seat of State’, a throne-like stool on which the President sits when attending Parliament on important state occasions. The Seat was crafted in the early 1960s by Kofi Antubam, one of the chief ‘state artists’ during the Nkrumah regime, and incorporates symbols of Asante royal authority, European aristocratic imagery as well as Ghanaian neo-traditional emblems such as the Black Star. The discussion of the Seat of State’s political meaning is followed by some more general observations on the history of party politics and parliamentary procedure in Ghana as examples of travelling political paradigms.
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La riforma del bicameralismo rappresenta nell’ordinamento italiano una delle tematiche più dibattute sin dalla “concessione” dello Statuto Albertino. In Assemblea Costituente, infatti, l’opzione tra monocamerali e bicameralismo - prima - e il dibattito su che tipo di bicameralismo si sarebbe dovuto adottare - poi - hanno dato vita ad una parte organizzativa particolarmente debole e in gran parte antiquata rispetto alle esigenze della prima parte della Costituzione che, al contrario, ha rappresentato il precipitato di una profonda consonanza di ideali. La tesi si propone dunque l’obiettivo di dimostrare che l’esigenza di procedere ad una riforma del sistema bicamerale in Italia sia oggi quanto mai attuale e necessaria. Da un lato, infatti, essa favorirebbe il superamento delle inefficienze del sistema parlamentare e potrebbe rappresentare uno strumento per ovviare alla debole razionalizzazione della forma di governo che, da sempre, ha determinato la strutturale instabilità degli esecutivi. Dall’altro lato, la riforma servirebbe soprattutto a realizzare quella connessione organica tra Stato e regioni necessaria per completare il disegno regionalistico che si ricava dalla Costituzione stessa. Esigenza questa che, peraltro, si è notevolmente rafforzata con la riforma del titolo V della Costituzione, la cui portata innovativa è stata sostanzialmente svuotata di contenuto a causa delle difficoltà che si sono incontrate nella sua attuazione.
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Il tema relativo al potere di esternazione del Presidente di Assemblea parlamentare rappresenta un aspetto problematico del diritto costituzionale a causa delle sue diverse implicazioni nonché delle numerose intersezioni tra dato costituzionale e legislativo, dottrina e prassi configurando, dunque, un ambito di ricerca di indubbia rilevanza e attualità all’interno del dibattito costituzionalistico.È chiaro che l’analisi di tale problematica necessita dell’assunzione di un punto di vista che non potrà essere strettamente tecnico-giuridica, ma che necessariamente dovrà confrontarsi con elementi della prassi politico-costituzionale.