Evaluation of restoration of vegetation infested with cat's claw creeper vine (Dolichandra unguis-cati): soil seed bank response to herbicide and physical removal

Cat���s claw creeper vine, Dolichandra unguis-cati (L.) L.G.Lohmann (formerly known as Macfadyena unguis-cati (L.) A.H.Gentry), a Weed of National Significance (WoNS), is a structural woody parasite that is highly invasive along sensitive riparian corridors and native forests of coastal and inland eastern Australia. As part of evaluation of the impact of herbicide and mechanical/physical control techniques on the long-term reduction of biomass of the weed and expected return of native flora, we have set-up permanent vegetation plots in: (a) infested and now chemically/physically treated, (b) infested but untreated and (c) un-infested patches. The treatments were set up in both riparian and non-riparian habitats to document changes that occur in seed bank flora over a two-year post-treatment period. Response to treatment varied spatially and temporally. However, following chemical and physical removal treatments, treated patches exhibited lower seed bank abundance and diversity than infested and patches lacking the weed, but differences were not statistically significant. Thus it will be safe to say that spraying herbicides using the recommended rate does not undermine restoration efforts.

Rwanda Crisis and Genocide in Case Law of Rwanda Tribunal

After the Second World War the public was shocked to learn about the horrors perpetrated. As a response to the Holocaust, the newly established United Nations adopted the Genocide Convention of 1948 to prevent future genocides and to punish the perpetrators. The Convention remained, however, almost dead letter until the present day. In 1994, the long-lasted tension between the major groups of Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda erupted in mass scale violence towards the Tutsi ethnic group. The purpose was to eradicate the Tutsi population of Rwanda. The international community did not halt the genocide. It stood by idle, failing to follow the swearing-in of the past. The United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (the ICTR) to bring to justice persons responsible for the genocide. Ever since its creation the ICTR has delivered a wealth of judgements elucidating the legal ingredients of the crime of genocide. The case law on determining the membership of national, ethnic, racial or religious groups has gradually shifted from the objective to subjective position. The membership of a group is seen as a subjective rather than objective concept. However, a totally subjective approach is not accepted. Therefore, it is necessary to determine some objective existence of a group. The provision on the underlying offences is not so difficult to interpret compared to the corresponding one on the protected groups and the mental element of genocide. The case law examined, e.g., whether there is any difference between the words killing and meurtre, the nature of mental harm caused by the perpetrator and sexual violence in the conflict. The mental element of genocide or dolus specialis of genocide is not thoroughly examined in the case law of the ICTR. In this regard, reference in made, in addition, to the case law of the other ad hoc Tribunal. The ICTR has made a significant contribution to the law of genocide and international criminal justice in general. The corpus of procedural and substantive law constitutes a basis for subsequent trials in international and hybrid tribunals. For national jurisdictions the jurisprudence on substantive law is useful while prosecuting international crimes.

Educating to secure the national interest

In this paper I examine how one political actor���former Prime Minister Kevin Rudd���proposes to use education for the purpose of securing national productivity and foreign policy. I work with Foucault���s suggestion that the apparatus of security is the essential technical instrument of governmentality and that the production of milieu, made up of human, spatial, temporal and cultural objects, and the government of risk are key strategies in the bio-politicisation of security. The discourse analysis also draws on Bacchi to problematise statements that (a) represent both the nation and regional neighbours as governable milieu within the ambit of a whole of government approach, and (b) locate literacy and education as both risk and solution in a security apparatus. My examination of the emergence of literacy and education as security technologies, takes account of the discursive effects of Rudd���s representation of the spaces and scale of national, geopolitical and global policy problems. I argue that in these examples of policy texts, education is used as a discursive tool to secure education workers and youth as subjects of economic interest and sovereign rule.

Evidence of Partisan Emphasis on EMU during 1994���1999 : Comparing Finnish Parties

This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994���1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994���1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.

Evaluating the specificity of community injury hospitalization data over time

This study identified the areas of poor specificity in national injury hospitalization data and the areas of improvement and deterioration in specificity over time. A descriptive analysis of ten years of national hospital discharge data for Australia from July 2002-June 2012 was performed. Proportions and percentage change of defined/undefined codes over time was examined. At the intent block level, accidents and assault were the most poorly defined with over 11% undefined in each block. The mechanism blocks for accidents showed a significant deterioration in specificity over time with up to 20% more undefined codes in some mechanisms. Place and activity were poorly defined at the broad block level (43% and 72% undefined respectively). Private hospitals and hospitals in very remote locations recorded the highest proportion of undefined codes. Those aged over 60 years and females had the higher proportion of undefined code usage. This study has identified significant, and worsening, deficiencies in the specificity of coded injury data in several areas. Focal attention is needed to improve the quality of injury data, especially on those identified in this study, to provide the evidence base needed to address the significant burden of injury in the Australian community.

Reengaging, reenacting and reenvisaging discourses of disaster through public space performance: Austerity, art, and the art of protest

This paper offers a mediation on disaster, recovery, resilience, and restoration of balance, in both a material and a metaphorical sense, when ���disaster��� befalls not the body politic of the nation but the body personal. In the past few decades, of course, artists, activists and scholars have deliberately tried to avoid describing personal, physical and phenomenological experiences of the disabled body in terms of difficulty and disaster. This has been part of a political move, from a medical model, in which disability, disease and illness are positioned as personal catastrophes, to a social model, in which disability is positioned as a social construct that comes from systems, institutions and infrastructure designed to exclude different bodies. It is a move that is responsible for a certain discomfort people with disabilities, and artists with disabilities, today feel towards performances that deploy disability as a metaphor for disaster, from Hijikata, to Theatre Hora. In the past five years, though, this particular discourse has begun rising again, particularly as people with disabilities fact their own anything but natural disasters as a result of the austerity measures now widespread across the US, UK, Europe and elsewhere. Measures that threaten people���s ability to live, and take part in social and institutional life, in any meaningful way. Measures that, as artist Katherine Araniello notes, also bring additional difficulty, danger, and potential for disaster as they ripple outwards across the tides of familial ties, threatening family, friends, and careers who become bound up in the struggle to do more with less. In this paper, I consider how people with disabilities use performance, particularly public space interventionalist performance, to reengage, renact and reenvisage the discourse of national, economic, environmental or other forms of disaster, the need for austerity, the need to avoid providing people with support for desires and interests as well as basic daily needs, particularly when fraud and corruption is so right, and other such ideas that have become an all too unpleasant reality for many people. Performances, for instance, like Liz Crow���s Bedding Out, where she invited people into her bed ��� for people with disabilities a symbolic space, which necessarily becomes more a public living room restaurant, office and so forth than a private space when poor mobility means they spend much time it in ��� to talk about their lives, their difficulties, and dealing with austerity. Or, for instance, like the Bolshy Divas, who mimic public and political policy, reports and advertising paranoia to undermine their discourses about austerity. I examine the effects, politics and ethics of such interventions, including examination of the comparative effect of highly bodied interventions (like Crow���s) and highly disembodied interventions (like the Bolshy Diva���s) in discourses of difficulty, disaster and austerity on a range of target spectator communities.

Metrology of gaseous air pollutants

The need for mutual recognition of accurate measurement results made by competent laboratories has been very widely accepted at the international level e.g., at the World Trade Organization. A partial solution to the problem was made by the International Committee for Weights and Measures (CIPM) in setting up the Mutual Recognition Arrangement (CIPM MRA), which was signed by National Metrology Institutes (NMI) around the world. The core idea of the CIPM MRA is to have global arrangements for the mutual acceptance of the calibration certificates of National Metrology Institutes. The CIPM MRA covers all the fields of science and technology for which NMIs have their national standards. The infrastructure for the metrology of the gaseous compounds carbon monoxide (CO), nitrogen monoxide (NO), nitrogen dioxide (NO2), sulphur dioxide (SO2) and ozone (O3) has been constructed at the national level at the Finnish Meteorological Institute (FMI). The calibration laboratory at the FMI was constructed for providing calibration services for air quality measurements and to fulfil the requirements of a metrology laboratory. The laboratory successfully participated, with good results, in the first comparison project, which was aimed at defining the state of the art in the preparation and analysis of the gas standards used by European metrology institutes and calibration laboratories in the field of air quality. To confirm the competence of the laboratory, the international external surveillance study was conducted at the laboratory. Based on the evidence, the Centre for Metrology and Accreditation (MIKES) designated the calibration laboratory at the Finnish Meteorological Institute (FMI) as a National Standard Laboratory in the field of air quality. With this designation, the MIKES-FMI Standards Laboratory became a member of CIPM MRA, and Finland was brought into the internationally-accepted forum in the field of gas metrology. The concept of ���once measured - everywhere accepted��� is the leading theme of the CIPM MRA. The calibration service of the MIKES-FMI Standards Laboratory realizes the SI traceability system for the gas components, and is constructed to enable it to meet the requirements of the European air quality directives. In addition, all the relevant uncertainty sources that influence the measurement results have been evaluated, and the uncertainty budgets for the measurement results have been created.

A Success Story or a Failure? : Representing the European Integration in the Curricula and Textbooks of Five Countries

The economic, political and social face of Europe has been changing rapidly in the past decades. These changes are unique in the history of Europe, but not without challenges for the nation states. The support for the European integration varies among the countries. In order to understand why certain developments or changes are perceived as threatening or as desired by different member countries, we must consider the social representations of the European integration on the national level: how the EU is represented to its citizens in media and in educational systems, particularly in the curricula and textbooks. The current study is concerned with the social representations of the European integration in the curricula and school textbooks in five European countries: France, Britain, Germany, Finland and Sweden. Besides that, the first volume of the common Franco-German history textbook was analyzed, since it has been seen as a model for a common European history textbook. As the collective representations, values and identities are dominantly mediated and imposed through media and educational systems, the national curricula and textbooks make an interesting starting point for the study of the European integration and of national and European identities. The social representations theory provides a comprehensive framework for the study of the European integration. By analyzing the curricula and history and civics textbooks of major educational publishers, the study aimed to demonstrate what is written on the European integration and how it is portrayed how the European integration is understood, made familiar and concretized in the educational context in the five European countries. To grasp the phenomenon of the European integration in the textbooks in its entirety, it was investigated from various perspectives. The two analysis methods of content analysis, the automatic analysis with ALCESTE and a more qualitative theory-driven content analysis, were carried out to give a more vivid and multifaceted picture of the object of the research. The analysis of the text was complemented with the analysis of visual material. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative methods, the contents, processes, visual images, transformations and structures of the social representations of European integration, as well as the communicative styles of the textbooks were examined. This study showed the divergent social representations of the European integration, anchored in the nation states, in the five member countries of the European Union. The social representations were constructed around different central core elements: French Europe in the French textbooks, Ambivalent Europe in the British textbooks, Influential and Unifying EU in the German textbooks, Enabling and Threatening EU in the Finnish textbooks, Sceptical EU in the Swedish textbooks and EU as a World Model in the Franco-German textbook. Some elements of the representations were shared by all countries such as peace and economic aspects of the European cooperation, whereas other elements of representations were found more frequently in some countries than in others, such as ideological, threatening or social components of the phenomenon European integration. The study also demonstrated the linkage between social representations of the EU and national and European identities. The findings of this study are applicable to the study of the European integration, to the study of education, as well as to the social representation theory.

Calculating life : Nation, Nature, and the Nativisation of Nonhuman Genetics

In recent decades, nation-states have become major stakeholders in nonhuman genetic resource networks as a result of several international treaties. The most important of these is the juridically binding international Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), signed at the Rio Earth Summit in 1992 by some 150 nations. This convention was a watershed for the identification of global rights related to genetic resources in recognising the sovereign power of signatory nations over their natural resources. The contracting parties are legally obliged to identify their native genetic material and to take legislative, administrative, and/or policy measures to foster research on genetic resources. In this process of global bioprospecting in the name of biodiversity conservation, the world's nonhuman genetic material is to be indexed according to nation and nationality. This globally legitimated process of native genetic identification inscribes national identity into nature and flesh. As a consequence, this new form of potential national biowealth forms also what could be called novel nonhuman genetic nationhoods. These national corporealities are produced in tactical and strategic encounters of the political and the scientific, in new spaces crafted through technical and institutional innovation, and between the national reconfiguration of the natural and cultural as framed by international political agreements. This work follows the creation of national genetic resources in one of the biodiversity-poor countries of the North, Finland. The thesis is an ethnographic work addressing the calculation of life: practices of identifying, evaluating, and collecting nonhuman life in national genetic programmes.��The core of the thesis is about observations made within the Finnish Genetic Resources Programmes in 2004 2008, gathered via multi-sited ethnography and related methods derived from the anthropology of science. The thesis explores the problematic relations of the communal forms of human and nonhuman life in an increasingly technoscientific contemporaneity ��the co-production and coexistence of human and nonhuman life in biopolitical formations called nations.

Stochastic simulations of the origins and implications of long-tailed distributions in gene expression

Gene expression noise results in protein number distributions ranging from long-tailed to Gaussian. We show how long-tailed distributions arise from a stochastic model of the constituent chemical reactions and suggest that, in conjunction with cooperative switches, they lead to more sensitive selection of a subpopulation of cells with high protein number than is possible with Gaussian distributions. Single-cell-tracking experiments are presented to validate some of the assumptions of the stochastic simulations. We also examine the effect of DNA looping on the shape of protein distributions. We further show that when switches are incorporated in the regulation of a gene via a feedback loop, the distributions can become bimodal. This might explain the bimodal distribution of certain morphogens during early embryogenesis.

Ravinnon kasvinsuojeluainej����m��t

Kasvinsuojeluaineita k��ytet����n elintarviketuotannossa kasvitautien ehk��isemiseen sek�� kasvintuhoojien vaikutusten ajoittamiseen ja kasvun s����telyyn. K��ytettyjen tehoaineiden riskinarviointi yksi kerrallaan on tuottanut t��rke���� perustietoa, mutta se ei ole antanut selke���� kokonaiskuvaa kuluttajien altistumisesta. T��m��n vuoksi asetelmaa tarkasteltiin kokonaisvaltaisesti, ottaen kaikki elintarvikkeista havaitut tehoainej����m��t mukaan arvioon kumulatiivisesti. Aikuisten lis��ksi mukana on ensi kertaa my��s lapsiryhmi��. Ensimm��ist�� kertaa Suomessa tarkastellaan sek�� pitk��aikaista ett�� akuuttia altistusta. Esitetty kumulatiivinen riskinarviointi perustuu vuosina 2002- 2008 kasvinsuojeluainej����mien valvonnassa yhteens�� 10 565 elintarviken��ytteest�� saatuihin tutkimustuloksiin. Lis��ksi riskinarvioinnissa on k��ytetty Terveyden ja hyvinvoinnin laitoksen ja DIPP-konsortion tuottamia aikuisten ja lasten ruoankulutustietoja (Finravinto 2007 ja DIPP-ravintotutkimukset). Ravinnon v��litt��m��lle tehoainej����mien altistukselle on tunnusomaista matala perustaso, jossa esiintyy lyhytaikaisia altistushuippuja. Kun ravinnon v��litt��m�� pitk��aikainen altistus kasvinsuojeluaineille on hyv��ksytt��v��ll�� tasolla, ei lyhytaikaisen altistuksen tilanne kaikilta osin ole yht�� hyv��. Kolmivuotiailla lapsilla todenn��k��isyys aRfD:n ylittymiselle on organofosfaattien ja karbamaattien osalta ollut suurempi kuin 0,1 % eli enemm��n kuin yksi tuhannesta, mik�� ei viel�� vastaa tavoitteita. Ylitykset aiheutuvat tuontituotteista,koska niiden taustalla olevia karbamaatteja ja organofosfaatteja ei en���� k��ytet�� Suomessa. My��nteist�� kehityst�� on tapahtunut, mutta tilannetta on aiheellista edelleen seurata.

The Organisation of Policy Meets the Commercialisation of Sex - Global Linkages, Policies, Technologies

During recent years the commercialisation of sex has increased and intensified both locally and globally. This thesis explores the commercialisation of bodies, sex and sexualities, particularly the sex trade, and the impact of rapidly evolving information and communication technologies on this globalising trade. The main focus of this work is on the policies, discourses and policy developments in the area especially in the Finnish context. The study is based on multidisciplinary theoretical sources through which the framework of multiple linkages relevant to the commercialisation of sex is conceptualised. The sex trade functions through a web of intersecting linkages of a substantive, economic, organisational, temporal, spatial, cultural, technological, as well as of legislative and policy nature. This framework of linkages forms the basis for the analysis of the main empirical data, namely qualitative interviews with thirty key managers and professionals, who are responsible for the preparation and implementation of policies on commercial sex. In addition, the thesis addresses the policies and policy practices on the sex trade through the analysis of national and international policy instruments. In addition to analysing the processes of the commercialisation of sex and its effects, the study also discusses their further implications for organisational policy-making, research, and society more generally. The thesis thus seeks to contribute to practice, research and theory on gender, management and organisations.

Towards Explaining the Use of Control Mechanisms in Foreign Subsidiaries of MNCs (summary section only)

Control is central to management and there is already a considerable body of research on control. However, the emergence and growth of multinational corporations (MNCs) has renewed the interest in control, as MNCs are complex (often large) organizations that face circumstances beyond those of national business organizations. The geographical dispersion of MNC activities means that the headquarters controls subsidiaries that differ with regard to power and that are embedded in different cultural, political, legal and educational systems. Foreign subsidiary control also takes place across language boundaries and physical (i.e. geographical) distances. In face of these challenges, how are foreign subsidiaries controlled? The thesis explores different types of control mechanisms and attempts to explain the degree to which they are used to control foreign subsidiaries. It contributes to existing knowledge on control by exploring how five different control mechanisms are related to each other. Previous research has tended to focus only on one or two control mechanisms and seldom has their effect on each other been explored. The thesis also contributes by including two central aspects of the MNC that have been neglected in much of the research on foreign subsidiary control: language competence of subsidiary staff and physical distance between the headquarters and its subsidiaries. The findings indicate that specific control mechanisms should not be studied in isolation as there are intricate relationships among the different control mechanisms. Language competence of the subsidiary staff can furthermore affect the type and degree of control that the headquarters can exercise over a subsidiary. The findings also indicate that changes in the physical distance between subsidiaries and its headquarters (i.e. a relocation of the headquarters as part of a restructuring process) can have great consequences for the headquarters-subsidiary relationship.

Common past, divided memories: historical memory of the Polish minority members in Lithuania

The Master���s thesis examines historical memory of the Polish minority members in Lithuania with regard to how their interpretation of the common Polish-Lithuanian history reiterates or differs from the official Polish and Lithuanian narratives conveyed by the school textbooks. History teaching in high schools carries a crucial state-supported role of ���identity building policies��� ��� it maintains a national narrative of memory, which might be exclusive to minorities and their peculiar understanding of history. Lithuanians Poles, in this regard, represent a national minority, which is exposed to two conflicting national narratives of the common past ��� Polish and Lithuanian. As members of the Polish nation, their understanding of the common Polish-Lithuanian history is conditioned by the Polish historical narrative, acquired as part of the collective memory of the family and/or different minority organizations. On the other hand, they encounter Lithuanian historical narrative of the Polish-Lithuanian past throughout the secondary school history education, where the curriculum, even if taught in Polish, largely represents the Lithuanian point of view. The concept of collective memory is utilized to refer to collective representations of national memory (i.e. publicly articulated narratives and images of collective past in history textbooks) as well as to socially framed individual memories (i.e. historical memory of minority members, where individual remembering is framed by the social context of their identity). The thesis compares the official national historical narratives in Lithuania and Poland, as conveyed by the Polish and Lithuanian history textbooks. The consequent analysis of qualitative interviews with the Polish minority members in Lithuania offers insights into historical memory of Lithuanian Poles and its relation to the official Polish and Lithuanian national narratives of the common past. Qualitative content analysis is applied in both parts of the analysis. The narratives which emerge from the interview data could be broadly grouped into two segments. First, a more pronounced view on the past combines the following elements: i) emphasis on the value of multicultural and diverse past of Lithuania, ii) contestation of ���Lithuanocentricity��� of the Lithuanian narrative and iii) rejection of the term ���occupation���, based on the cultural presuppositions ��� the dominant position of Polish culture and language in the Vilnius region, symbolic belonging and ���Lithuanianness��� of the local Poles. While the opposition to the term of ���occupation��� is in accord with the official Polish narrative conveyed by the textbooks, the former two elements do not neatly adhere to either Polish or Lithuanian textbook narratives. They should rather be considered as an expression of claims for inclusion of plural pasts into Lithuanian collective memory and hence as claims for symbolic enfranchisement into the Lithuanian ���imagined community���. The second strand of views, on the other hand, does not exclude assertions about the historically dominant position of Polish culture in Lithuania, but at the same time places more emphasis on the political and historical continuity of the Lithuanian state and highlights a long-standing symbolic connectedness of Vilnius and Lithuania, thus, striking a middle way between the Polish and Lithuanian interpretations of the past.

Nationalism Circumscribed : Transnational Governance of Minority Rights in Post-Cold War Europe

For the past two centuries, nationalism has been among the most influential legitimizing principles of political organization. According to its simple definition, nationalism is a principle or a way of thinking and acting which holds that the world is divided into nations, and that national and political units should be congruent. Nationalism can thus be divided into two aspects: internal and external. Internally, the political units, i.e., states, should be made up of only one nation. Externally each nation-state should be sovereign. Transnational national governance of rights of national minorities violates both these principles. This study explores the formation, operation, and effectiveness of the European post-Cold War minorities system. The study identifies two basic approaches to minority rights: security and justice. These approaches have been used to legitimize international minority politics and they also inform the practice of transnational governance. The security approach is based on the recognition that the norm of national self-determination cannot be fulfilled in all relevant cases, and so minority rights are offered as a compensation to the dissatisfied national groups, reducing their aspiration to challenge the status quo. From the justice perspective, minority rights are justified as a compensatory strategy against discrimination caused by majority nation-building. The research concludes that the post-Cold War minorities system was justified on the basis of a particular version of the security approach, according to which only Eastern European minority situations are threatening because of the ethnic variant of nationalism that exists in that region. This security frame was essential in internationalising minority issues and justifying the swift development of norms and institutions to deal with these issues. However, from the justice perspective this approach is problematic, since it justified double standards in European minority politics. Even though majority nation-building is often detrimental to minorities also in Western Europe, Western countries can treat their minorities more or less however they choose. One of the main contributions of this thesis is the detailed investigation of the operation of the post-Cold War minorities system. For the first decade since its creation in the early 1990s, the system operated mainly through its security track, which is based on the field activities of the OSCE that are supported by the EU. The study shows how the effectiveness of this track was based on inter-organizational cooperation in which various transnational actors compensate for each other s weaknesses. After the enlargement of the EU and dissolution of the membership conditionality this track, which was limited to Eastern Europe from the start, has become increasingly ineffective. Since the EU enlargement, the focus minorities system has shifted more and more towards its legal track, which is based on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Council of Europe). The study presents in detail how a network of like-minded representatives of governments, international organizations, and independent experts was able strengthen the framework convention s (originally weak) monitoring system considerably. The development of the legal track allows for a more universal and consistent, justice-based approach to minority rights in contemporary Europe, but the nationalist principle of organization still severely hinders the materialization of this possibility.