D-S(+) meson production at central rapidity in proton-proton collisions at root s=7 TeV

The P-T-differential inclusive production cross section of the prompt charm-strange meson D-s(+) in the rapidity range vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.5 was measured in proton-proton collisions at root s = 7 TeV at the LHC using the ALICE detector. The analysis was performed on a data sample of 2.98 x 10(8) events collected with a minimum-bias trigger. The corresponding integrated luminosity is L-int = 4.8 nb(-1). Reconstructing the decay D-s(+) -> phi pi(+) with phi -> K-K+, and its charge conjugate, about 480 D-s(+/-) mesons were counted, after selection cuts, in the transverse momentum range 2 < P-T < 12 GeV/c. The results are compared with predictions from models based on perturbative QCD. The ratios of the cross sections of four D meson species (namely D-0, D+, D*+ and D-s(+)) were determined both as a function of p(T) and integrated over p(T)after extrapolating to full p(T) range, together with the strangeness suppression factor in charm fragmentation. The obtained values are found to be compatible within uncertainties with those measured by other experiments in e(+)e(-), ep and pp interactions at various centre-of-mass energies. (C) 2012 CERN. Published by Elsevier By. All rights reserved.

Suppression of high transverse momentum D mesons in central Pb-Pb collisions at root s(NN)=2.76 TeV

The production of the prompt charm mesons D-0, D+, D*(+), and their antiparticles, was measured with the ALICE detector in Pb-Pb collisions at the LHC, at a centre-of-mass energy root s(NN) = 2.76 TeV per nucleon-nucleon collision. The p(t)-differential production yields in the range 2 < p(t) < 16 GeV/c at central rapidity, vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.5, were used to calculate the nuclear modification factor R-AA with respect to a proton-proton reference obtained from the cross section measured at root s = 7 TeV and scaled to root s = 2.76 TeV. For the three meson species, R-AA shows a suppression by a factor 3-4, for transverse momenta larger than 5 GeV/c in the 20% most central collisions. The suppression is reduced for peripheral collisions.

La ville comme labyrinthe: réécritures d'un mythe entre les années 1950 et 1980

Entre les années 1950 et 1980, émerge une nouvelle forme de labyrinthe chez des romanciers européens comme Michel Butor, Alain Robbe-Grillet, Italo Calvino, Patrick Modiano et Alasdair Gray : un labyrinthe insaisissable et non cartographiable. Pour en rendre compte nous avons recours au modèle du rhizome, issu de la philosophie de Gilles Deleuze et de Félix Guattari, aussi bien qu'au concept d'hétérotopie de Michel Foucault. La spatialité de nos romans nous pousse à prendre en compte également les réécritures ironiques du mythe de Thésée, Ariane, le Minotaure, Dédale. Les citations et les allusions au mythe nous font remarquer la distance d'avec le modèle traditionnel et les effets de ce qu'on peut considérer comme un « bricolage mythique », dans le cadre d'un regard ironique, parodique ou satirique. La représentation romanesque du labyrinthe accentue d'un côté l'absence d'un centre, et de l'autre côté l'ouverture extrême de cet espace qu'est la ville contemporaine. En même temps, la présence de nombreux « espaces autres », les hétérotopies de Foucault, définit l'égarement des protagonistes des romans. Au fur et à mesure que les écrivains acquièrent conscience des caractéristiques « labyrinthiques » de ces espaces, celles-ci commencent à informer l'œuvre romanesque, créant ainsi un espace métafictionnel. Entre les années Cinquante et le début des années Soixante-dix, les Nouveaux romanciers français accentuent ainsi l'idée de pouvoir jouer avec les instruments de la fiction, pour exaspérer l'absence d'un sens dans la ville comme dans la pratique de l'écriture. Calvino reformule cette conception du roman, remarquant l'importance d'un sens, même s'il est caché et difficile à saisir. Pour cette raison, à la fin de l'époque que nous analysons, des auteurs comme Modiano et Gray absorbent les techniques d'écriture de ces prédécesseurs, en les faisant jouer avec la responsabilité éthique de l'auteur.

L(ocus) d(atos) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum): La concessione di spazi pubblici nelle comunita' cittadine dell'italia romana

La tesi riguarda la concessione di spazi di proprietà pubblica a privati, intesi come singole persone o enti, quali ad esempio i collegi, da parte delle autorità cittadine. Le fonti a disposizione per indagare tale pratica burocratica sono quasi totalmente di natura epigrafica, per lo più attestanti l’espressione locus datus decreto decurionum, variamente abbreviata, o formule similari. Questo aspetto della vita civica è stata cursoriamente oggetto di studio in diversi contributi, ma si tratta di articoli che circoscrivono il tema, analizzandolo in relazione a ristrette aree geografiche, oppure considerandone determinati aspetti (ad esempio l’ambito sacro o quello funerario). Si è perciò ritenuto utile proseguire questa linea di ricerca affrontando uno studio di più ampio raggio, che comprenda la documentazione epigrafica dell’intero territorio italico (costituito dalle undici regioni augustee ad esclusione di Roma), per tutte le tipologie testuali (iscrizioni sacre, funerarie, onorarie, su opera pubblica, exempla decreti), allo scopo di formulare osservazioni più precise e puntuali sulla procedura burocratica in esame, pur con tutti i limiti noti a chi affronti questo genere di indagine. Tra le conclusioni raggiunte, è emerso come durante il I-II sec. d.C. vi fosse la tendenza a concedere, sporadicamente, dei loca sepulturae extraurbani a membri delle famiglie delle élites cittadine, anche donne e fanciulli, mentre il foro e le altre aree pubbliche interne alla città erano soprattutto utilizzate direttamente dai decurioni per l’elevazione di dediche e statue. Nel corso del II sec. d.C., con massima diffusione nell’età antonina e poi in quella severiana, prese invece piede l’uso privato a scopo onorario degli spazi pubblici siti all’interno delle città, ovvero in aree prima pressoché precluse all’intervento di singoli cittadini: familiari e liberti, collegi e altri organismi commissionavano statue dedicate prevalentemente agli amministratori locali, magistrati cittadini spesso divenuti anche cavalieri.

Cicero, Tullia, and Marcus: Gender-Specific Concerns for Family Tradition?

A fair number of Cicero's letters reveal his concern for his daughter Tullia and his son Marcus. Recent scholarship has read these letters as evidence for a ‘natural’ emotional attachment of a father to his children, in reaction to Philippe Ariès's opposite claim. This chapter considers whether Cicero's letters can be analysed only as expressions of paternal affection. The fact that the pater familias Cicero occupies a political position simultaneously in his nuclear family, his domus, and the Senate, results in a concern for his prestige within the social field of the aristocracy. And this concern is necessarily conferred upon his support of the education and the social and political career of his children. The chapter traces the gender-specific differences between Cicero's treatment of Tullia and Marcus, shows the social construction of parental affection, and contributes to a further understanding of the different functions of daughters and sons in the social force field of family memory.

Zur Schul-Pädagogik d. Talmud

Samuel Marcus

Di šṭrafe : iber den gebrochenen šwur oder kampf tzwišen religion und wisen ; ein heksṭ inṭeresanṭer roman

ferfast fon Šulman. Iberzetzṭ und bearbeiṭeṭ fon Jiśroel Margaliot

Doká¹­or Alfasi : ein heksá¹­ iná¹­eresaná¹­er roman

bearbeiṭeṭ fon Jiśroel Margaliot

Frailein muá¹­er : roman

Ernsá¹­ Georgi.

In Å¡á¹­urm : roman

L. Lewanda. Iberzetzá¹­ fun Lipman Lewin

Ferbrechen un Å¡á¹­raf : roman

F. Dosá¹­ojewski. Iberzetzá¹­ Z. Reizen

European summer temperatures since Roman times

The spatial context is critical when assessing present-day climate anomalies, attributing them to potential forcings and making statements regarding their frequency and severity in a long-term perspective. Recent international initiatives have expanded the number of high-quality proxy-records and developed new statistical reconstruction methods. These advances allow more rigorous regional past temperature reconstructions and, in turn, the possibility of evaluating climate models on policy-relevant, spatio-temporal scales. Here we provide a new proxy-based, annually-resolved, spatial reconstruction of the European summer (June–August) temperature fields back to 755 CE based on Bayesian hierarchical modelling (BHM), together with estimates of the European mean temperature variation since 138 BCE based on BHM and composite-plus-scaling (CPS). Our reconstructions compare well with independent instrumental and proxy-based temperature estimates, but suggest a larger amplitude in summer temperature variability than previously reported. Both CPS and BHM reconstructions indicate that the mean 20th century European summer temperature was not significantly different from some earlier centuries, including the 1st, 2nd, 8th and 10th centuries CE. The 1st century (in BHM also the 10th century) may even have been slightly warmer than the 20th century, but the difference is not statistically significant. Comparing each 50 yr period with the 1951–2000 period reveals a similar pattern. Recent summers, however, have been unusually warm in the context of the last two millennia and there are no 30 yr periods in either reconstruction that exceed the mean average European summer temperature of the last 3 decades (1986–2015 CE). A comparison with an ensemble of climate model simulations suggests that the reconstructed European summer temperature variability over the period 850–2000 CE reflects changes in both internal variability and external forcing on multi-decadal time-scales. For pan-European temperatures we find slightly better agreement between the reconstruction and the model simulations with high-end estimates for total solar irradiance. Temperature differences between the medieval period, the recent period and the Little Ice Age are larger in the reconstructions than the simulations. This may indicate inflated variability of the reconstructions, a lack of sensitivity and processes to changes in external forcing on the simulated European climate and/or an underestimation of internal variability on centennial and longer time scales.