Setúbal e a Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918)

A presente dissertação é circunscrita no espaço e no tempo, tendo como objecto de estudo fundamental o concelho de Setúbal durante a I Guerra Mundial (1914-1918). Enquadrando historicamente os impactos do conflito no contexto nacional, Setúbal é revisitada entre os finais de oitocentos e os primórdios do século XX a fim de retratar política, económica, social e culturalmente um dos maiores centros urbanos portugueses dos finais da Monarquia Constitucional e do início da I República. Numa lógica de impactos políticos e económico-sociais, esta investigação promove o redescobrir das vivências quotidianas de Setúbal durante um dos períodos mais negros da História da Humanidade. Através do estudo dos mecanismos de acção e intervenção municipais, bem como dos resultados eleitorais e dinâmicas políticopartidárias locais, transmite-se como foram vividos acontecimentos marcantes da vida pública de Portugal, nomeadamente o 14 de Maio de 1915 e o coup d’état sidonista, realçando como dimensões operárias anárquicas e sindicalistas conviviam com grupos conservadores, católicos e monárquicos. Num plano de economia de guerra, o mundo agrícola é abordado em diferentes sectores, nomeadamente na laranja, na cortiça e nos vinhos, dando maior atenção às questões relacionadas com a decadência da fruta e à abertura de novos mercados exportadores, como o Brasil, pela Casa José Maria da Fonseca. A indústria de conservas de peixe, que viveu um boom neste período como resultado da intensa procura externa dos países aliados que tinham nas latas de conserva o alimento das tropas nas trincheiras, representa outro foco de análise deste trabalho. Consequentemente aborda-se o papel da estrutura portuária local na resposta às necessidades de consumo britânicas, francesas e italianas. Por fim, os impactos sociais do conflito em Setúbal constituem um dos enunciados desta investigação, compreendendo como o estudo de uma imprensa dividida na questão intervencionismo versus anti-intervencionismo reflectiu um concelho que viveu como poucos a crise de abastecimentos e a carestia de vida. A proliferação de greves, manifestações contra a guerra, as deserções militares e os assaltos colectivos representam o culminar de um vulcão que entrou em erupção e que ainda sofreu as agruras da epidemia da gripe pneumónica até ao final do ano de 1918.

Polityka oświatowa i edukacyjna jako element polityki historycznej (1989-2014). Dynamika zmian treści dotyczącej Polski Ludowej

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

La miseria en Bogotá

68 p.

Los movimientos sociales en las agendas mediática y política en España: el caso de la PAH

El presente trabajo analiza la presencia de la Plataforma de Afectados por la Hipoteca, de sus acciones y reivindicaciones en la agenda mediática y en la agenda política en España en el año 2014. Tras describir el papel de la plataforma como movimiento social en nuestro país, trata, en primer lugar, de analizar la cobertura que los tres principales medios impresos (El País, El Mundo y ABC) han hecho del mismo a lo largo del año, desde la perspectiva del Framing o Teoría del Enfoque, observando el tratamiento valorativo que realizan los tres diarios de la plataforma. Por otro lado, se lleva a cabo un análisis de la agenda política, en cuanto a las menciones a la PAH y a sus acciones en el debate parlamentario en el Congreso de los Diputados, diferenciando la pertenencia a la agenda simbólica y sustancial. Los datos muestran, por un lado, un tratamiento diverso del movimiento social por parte de los tres medios, que se correspondería con el diferente posicionamiento ideológico de cada periódico. Por otro, las formaciones políticas presentes en el hemiciclo incluyen de manera cuantitativamente distinta a la PAH en sus discursos –siendo Izquierda Plural el grupo que más menciones ha realizado– y la mayoría de éstos pertenece a la agenda simbólica. La distribución temporal de las dos agendas no muestra una influencia clara entre ambas.

The distinctive politics of campaign finance reform

This article presents a unified theory explaining several conflicting empirical observations in the politics of campaign finance. It identifies those circumstances that foster or frustrate the enactment of financing laws that increase the competitiveness of elections. I argue that the competitiveness of financing laws is a result of three strong incentives when they operate in differently structured party systems. First, lawmakers have an incentive to make laws to protect their incumbency from competitors. This incentive generally overwhelms the (weaker) incentive to enact popular, competition-enhancing reforms. Secondly, lawmakers, when they act through political parties, have an incentive to cooperate with rivals to reduce the costs of political defeats. Thirdly, lawmakers seek to enact reforms that are consistent with their normative goals. These incentives combine with several party system variables to determine when campaign finance reform is likely to occur and how it will impact on the competitiveness of elections.

Public service motivation in public and nonprofit service providers: The cases of Belarus and Poland

The work motivation construct is central to the theory and practice of many social science disciplines. Yet, due to the novelty of validated measures appropriate for a deep cross-national comparison, studies that contrast different administrative regimes remain scarce. This study represents an initial empirical effort to validate the Public Service Motivation (PSM) instrument proposed by Kim and colleagues (2013) in a previously unstudied context. The two former communist countries analyzed in this dissertation—Belarus and Poland—followed diametrically opposite development strategies: a fully decentralized administrative regime in Poland and a highly centralized regime in Belarus. The employees (n = 677) of public and nonprofit organizations in the border regions of Podlaskie Wojewodstwo (Poland) and Hrodna Voblasc (Belarus) are the subjects of study. ^ Confirmatory factor analysis revealed three dimensions of public service motivation in the two regions: compassion, self-sacrifice, and attraction to public service. The statistical models tested in this dissertation suggest that nonprofit sector employees exhibit higher levels of PSM than their public sector counterparts. Nonprofit sector employees also reveal a similar set of values and work attitudes across the countries. Thus, the study concludes that in terms of PSM, employees of nonprofit organizations constitute a homogenous group that exists atop the administrative regimes. ^ However, the findings propose significant differences between public sector agencies across the two countries. Contrary to expectations, data suggest that organization centralization in Poland is equal to—or for some items even higher than—that of Belarus. We can conclude that the absence of administrative decentralization of service provision in a country does not necessarily undermine decentralized practices within organizations. Further analysis reveals strong correlations between organization centralization and PSM for the Polish sample. Meanwhile, in Belarus, correlations between organization centralization items and PSM are weak and mostly insignificant. ^ The analysis indicates other factors beyond organization centralization that significantly impact PSM in both sectors. PSM of the employees in the studied region is highly correlated with their participation in religious practices, political parties, or labor unions as well as location of their organization in a capital and type of social service provided.^

The EU referendum in Northern Ireland: closing borders, re-opening border debates

The UK decision to leave the European Union (EU) following a referendum in June 2016 fundamentally alters the country's relationship with the EU, with its European neighbours, with the rest of the world and potentially with its own constituent units. It is clear that different parts of the UK will be impacted differently by this decision and by the unfolding exit terms and process. In this context, Northern Ireland is considered to be particularly vulnerable. This article examines the referendum campaign in Northern Ireland by detailing input from the Northern Ireland administration, political parties, civil society and external figures. The article suggests that the overall referendum campaign in Northern Ireland was hamstrung by the opposing positions taken by key political protagonists, particularly Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). This produced a challenging context for the referendum debate in Northern Ireland. The post-referendum period has also been marked by persistent differences in relation to how best to approach specific Northern Ireland issues and challenges. A continued absence of clear positions and a lack of contingency planning underline a poor level of preparedness for future political developments.

Improving laboratory learning

It has been most encouraging to see science (and innovation)at the forefront of Australian domestic politics in recentmonths. It is also reassuring to see broader bipartisanagreement from the major political parties on the importance ofscience and research to the nation’s future. Governments maychoose to prioritise the areas of scientific endeavour thatwarrant greater support but the acknowledgement by ourpolitical leaders (federal and state) that science and innovationis vital for the nation’s future has not always been forthcoming.The funding mechanisms (e.g. grant schemes) and businessincentives (e.g. taxation) put in place by governments areimportant catalysts of ideally spontaneous processes leading toinnovation and economic advances. However, this pathway isvery complicated.

Bridging the divide: measuring party system change and classifying party systems

Party systems research has proceeded along two parallel lines of inquiry, one predominantly “qualitative” and the other “quantitative.” This article attempts to bridge this divide in two ways. First, by showing that qualitative information can be valuable in the construction of quantitative measures. Second, by showing that the results from applying theoretically sensitive measurement tools can be useful for qualitative classification. These analyses are performed using an original dataset of party system changes in Sub-Saharan Africa.

El efecto de la cuota de género en Colombia: Un panorama sobre la participación política femenina durante las elecciones legislativas de 2014

El propósito del presente estudio de caso es evaluar el alcance de la cuota género con respecto a la participación política femenina, durante las elecciones legislativas de 2014 en Colombia. A partir de entrevistas realizadas a las congresistas y a los miembros de los partidos políticos, del estudio de los perfiles de las mujeres electas y de una serie de elementos teóricos relativos al sistema electoral; se analizan y explican los factores que llevaron a la cuota a tener un efecto limitado con respecto al número de mujeres electas. Posteriormente, siguiendo los planteamientos de Iris Marion Young, se estudia el funcionamiento de la cuota desde un concepto más amplio de acción afirmativa, lo que permite identificar el efecto de la cuota en relación con las barreras culturales que dificultan la participación política femenina.

Los cambios del sistema político colombiano en virtud de los preceptos de Arend Lijphart y sus efectos en la oposición durante el periodo 2006 – 2013

El interés principal de esta monografía es demostrar, cómo dentro del marco institucional colombiano, cambió el tipo de Democracia en dos periodos de gobierno, y cómo dicho cambio afectó negativamente al sistema de partidos y específicamente a los partidos de oposición. Esto será analizado desde la teoría de Arend Lijphart sobre Democracia mayoritaria y Democracia consensual, incluyendo dentro del análisis, el marco institucional donde se desenvuelve el sistema político colombiano. Para un mayor entendimiento de la temática, se realiza un recuento de la institucionalidad de los partidos políticos en Colombia desde su formación hasta el día de hoy, prestando principal interés a los periodos de Gobierno comprendidos entre 2006 y 2013.

A political register, setting forth the principles of the Whig and Locofoco Parties in the United States, with the life and public services of Henry Clay.

"Life and public services of Henry Clay": p. [241]-321.

A biographical sketch of Henry A. Wise : with a history of the political campaign in Virginia in 1855: to which is added a review of the position of parties in the Union, and a statement of the political issues: distinguishing them on the eve of the presidential campaign of 1856 /

Spine titles: Virginia politics, 1855 ; Life of Gov. Wise.