New Public Management: The Story Continues

New Public Management (NPM) has aroused significant interest amongst academe, policy makers and practitioners, since its first articulation in the seminal articles by Hood (1991 and 1995). However, in the 21st century, a body of opinion has developed which asserts that the NPM is passé. This paper seeks to determine the contemporary status of NPM in the context of the UK, one of the early adopters of NPM. Close inspection of UK Government policy underlines the importance of NPM ideas in the New Labour Government modernisation policy (1997-2010). Furthermore, the policy actions of the 2010–2015 UK Coalition Government reveal that the global financial crisis intensified the drive for NPM in the UK’s public sector. This discussion reveals no evidence in support of the demise of NPM.

Consequences of Influence Tactics Used With Subordinates, Peers, and the Boss

A field study was conducted to discover how a manager's use of 9 different influence tactics is related to target task commitment and the manager's effectiveness. The variables were measured with a questionnaire filled out by subordinates, peers, and the boss of each manager. The most effective tactics were rational persuasion, inspirational appeal, and consultation; the least effective tactics were pressure, coalition, and legitimating. Ingratiation and exchange were moderately effective for influencing subordinates and peers but were not effective for influencing superiors. Inspirational appeal, ingratiation, and pressure were used most in a downward direction; personal appeal, exchange, and legitimating were used most in a lateral direction; coalitions were used most in lateral and upward directions; and rational persuasion was used most in an upward direction.

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coalizão

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

Public Protection? The Implication of Grayling's 'Transforming Rehabilitation' Agenda on the Safety of Women and Children

Abstract The Coalition Government's new Transforming Rehabilitation (TR) agenda jeopardises the work undertaken with perpetrators of domestic abuse by highly skilled, qualified probation staff. Under new changes outlined by Grayling, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of State for Justice, probation clients who are assessed as posing a medium/low risk of causing harm will be assigned to private sector/voluntary organisations rather than come under the remit of the National Probation Service. This article argues that victims of domestic abuse, primarily women and children, will be placed at an increased risk of harm given this latest TR strategy. The majority of domestic abuse cases will be assessed as posing a medium risk of causing harm and will receive lower levels of intervention by a variety of disparate agencies and organisations. The Ministry of Justice states that the National Probation Service will directly manage offenders who pose a high risk of serious harm to the public, this article will argue that all perpetrators of domestic abuse should be considered as an important exception to this stance, and should remain under the auspices of Probation supervision, irrespective of statistical risk assessment, as has sex offender case management and sex offender treatment programme delivery.

Alternative media for public pedagogy: "Chief" concerns and human agency

To demonstrate how the growing influence of alternative media in civil society correlates with the rise of social movements and their influence on contemporary manifestations of resistance, this research uses critical ethnographic methodologies to document the narratives of alternative media producers in the pro-Indigenous and anti-“Chief” campaigns at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign during the 2006-2007 school year. These narratives demonstrate not only the ways alternative media help transmit dissent by distributing information to diverse populations, but also the manner they facilitate contexts that influence identity formations and strengthen counter-cultural communal practices. Particular lineages of critical social theory are used to situate knowledge construction and social relationships within specific socio-historic contexts to approach issues of subjectivity, human agency, and resistance. These include the Frankfurt School for Social Research, the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, and the Brazilian education philosopher Paulo Freire, who emphasize criticality based on the engagement of ideological analysis, as well as developing capacities to critique and resist oppressive social and political relationships. Thus, this study argues for expanding traditional notions of literacy to include the ability to decode and produce media as a critical element of meaningful democratic participation.

Rada Federalna i Prezydent Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej. Specyfika i ewolucja rozwiązań kreowania władzy wykonawczej

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the ‘magical formula’ that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

Les coalitions comme stratégie de renouveau syndical : un cas aux Philippines

Cette recherche fait état de la crise du syndicalisme qui affecte la capacité d’action et l’efficacité des pratiques des organisations syndicales à travers le monde. Elle dresse un portrait complet des éléments de crise qu’elle décline sous les niveaux économique, politique et social. Cette recherche expose ainsi la nécessité d’un renouveau syndical pour porter précisément sur les coalitions, hétérogènes notamment, comme stratégie de renouveau syndical. Au plan analytique, elle évalue l’impact de l’identité et de la capacité organisationnelle d’une organisation syndicale aux Philippines sur son choix de se coaliser, mais aussi l’influence de ses objectifs et du contexte national dans lequel elle évolue. Les données empiriques pour mener cette étude proviennent principalement de près de 24 entrevues semi-dirigées, tenues auprès de représentants de l’une des plus grandes organisations syndicales des Philippines, de représentants d’organisations non syndicales alliées et de répondants externes à celle-ci. Premièrement, nos résultats montrent qu’une identité collective sociétale forte influence favorablement le choix de l’organisation syndicale étudiée de se coaliser. Elle confirme également le rôle essentiel de l’identité dans l’orientation de son action collective. Deuxièmement, nos résultats permettent de conclure qu’une capacité organisationnelle forte influence favorablement le choix de cette organisation syndicale de se coaliser, considérant qu’elle permet à celle-ci d’identifier les opportunités d’action, de mettre en œuvre de nouvelles stratégies et d’assurer la légitimité et la mobilisation des membres quant aux actions entreprises. De nos résultats ressort l’importance de l’éducation sur l’accroissement de la capacité organisationnelle et, particulièrement, sur la formation et le renforcement de l’identité collective de l’organisation syndicale étudiée. Plus encore, nos résultats exposent l’interaction entre les dimensions de l’identité et de la capacité organisationnelle : précisément, nous avons observé une relation de renforcement positif entre ces deux variables. Troisièmement, nos résultats mettent de l’avant l’interaction entre les différents niveaux de transformations résultantes de sa participation à différents types de coalitions. Ainsi dans le cas observé, l’obtention de transformation au plan intraorganisationnel permet à rebours d’obtenir des transformations au plan extraorganisationnel et vice-versa. Finalement, le contexte répressif des Philippines et les objectifs de l’organisation syndicale étudiée apparaissent favorables à son choix de se coaliser à différents niveaux (local, régional, national et international).

Cooperação e competição entre políticas no Brasil: os custos da governabilidade no presidencialismo de coalizão

Public policies have been studied in the various fields of humanities and social sciences, from different theoretical and technical aspects. However, there is still a lack of studies that incorporate the dimension that encompasses the political action and its interference in such actions, also recognizing the importance of the institutional setting of the Brazilian presidential model in implementing these policies. This fragmented and multiparty system has led to power heterogeneous sets of political parties. Thus, the ministerial offices, more than assisting the President´s government project, manage particularized agendas, which are party biased and have the influence of interest groups in hegemonic themes addressed by government agencies. When these agendas operate in sectoral and specialized policies, the friction level is apparently low. However, when this occurs in intersectoral actions, such as in regional development, there is evidence of strong signs of competition among government agencies, which in theory, should operate in an integrated manner. Although this is not a specific feature of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva´s government- the period to be studied- there was similar behavior in Fernando Henrique Cardoso´s presidency, one realizes that the expansion of coalition on behalf of governance is increasingly interfering in the outcome of intersectoral public policies, due to these multiple arguments in action. In order to understand these processes, this study focused on the Sustainable and Integrated Development Programme for Differentiated Meso-Regions (PROMESO), part of the National Policy for Regional Development (NPRD). The program provides interface with various government agencies and their public policies in a clear intersectoral design. The research sought to identify and analyze the relationships between government agencies and their programs with interest groups, whether political parties or other segments of civil society, highlighting the logic of favoritism, which poses in second place the integration of actions in the intersectoral policies. Therefore, besides the theoretical debate that incorporates several categories of political science, public administration, public policy, geography and economics, the study focused on secondary sources, using different government agencies databases in order to raise information. It was observed that the interference of partisan politics has been disastrous for some public policies. Thus, the research confirms that cooperative character is fragile within government agencies, often limited to official documents, and that there is indeed, a striking feature of competition, especially when it comes to transversalized policies

BLACK SURVIVAL POLITICS: ORGANIZED MOBILIZATION STRATEGIES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITIES TO END THE HIV/AIDS EPIDEMIC

The purpose of this study is to examine organizational patterns of African American activism in response the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Given their political, economic, and social disenfranchisement, African Americans have historically developed protest and survival strategies to respond to the devaluation of their lives, health, and well-being. While Black protest strategies are typically regarded as oppositional and transformative, Black survival strategies have generally been conceptualized as accepting inequality. In the case of HIV/AIDS, African American religious and non-religious organizations were less likely to deploy protest strategies to ensure the survival and well-being of groups most at risk for HIV/AIDS—such as African American gay men and substance abusers. This study employs a multiple qualitative case study analysis of four African American organizations that were among the early mobilizers to respond to HIV/AIDS in Washington D.C. These organizations include two secular or community-based organizations and two Black churches or faith-based organizations. Given the association of HIV/AIDS with sexual sin and social deviance, I postulated that Black community-based organizations would be more responsive to the HIV/AIDS-related needs and interests of African Americans than their religious counterparts. More specifically, I expected that Black churches would be more conservative (i.e. maintain paternalistic heteronormative sexual standards) than the community-based organizations. Yet findings indicate that the Black churches in this study were more similar than different than the community-based organizations in their strategic responses to HIV/AIDS. Both the community-based organizations and Black churches drew upon three main strategies in ways that politicalize the struggle for Black survival—or what I regard as Black survival politics. First, Black survival strategies for HIV/AIDS include coalition building at the intersection of multiple systems of inequality, as well as on the levels of identity and community. Second, Black survival politics include altering aspects of religious norms and practices related to sex and sexuality. Third, Black survival politics relies on the resources of the government to provide HIV/AIDS related programs and initiatives that are, in large part, based on the gains made from collective action.

La notion de l’explosion de la coopération et ses implications chez Kim Sterelny.

Le concept de coopération est souvent utilisé dans le domaine de l’éthique et de la politique pour illustrer et comprendre l’alignement des comportements associatifs entre les êtres humains. En lien avec ce concept, notre recherche portera sur la première question de savoir si Kim Sterelny (2003) réussit à produire un modèle théorique permettant d’expliquer les origines et les mécanismes de la coopération humaine. Notre recherche portera aussi sur la deuxième question de savoir s’il arrive à se servir de ce modèle pour infirmer la thèse de la modularité massive. Ainsi, ce mémoire traitera successivement du problème de la coopération, de la théorie de la sélection de groupe, du déclencheur écologique de la coopération des hominidés, des notions de coalition, d’exécution et d’engagement et finalement de la thèse de la modularité massive. Par l’examen de ces sujets, nous souhaitons démontrer que Sterelny n’arrive qu’à fournir une esquisse probable des origines et du développement de la coopération humaine et que sa critique de la thèse de la modularité massive n’arrive pas à infirmer cette dernière.

New Haitian social movements: Alternative modernities, (trans)local nationalisms, and solidarity economies

My dissertation is the first project on the Haitian Platform for Advocacy for an Alternative Development- PAPDA, a nation-building coalition founded by activists from varying sectors to coordinate one comprehensive nationalist movement against what they are calling an Occupation. My work not only provides information on this under-theorized popular movement but also situates it within the broader literature on the postcolonial nation-state as well as Latin American and Caribbean social movements. The dissertation analyzes the contentious relationship between local and global discourses and practices of citizenship. Furthermore, the research draws on transnational feminist theory to underline the scattered hegemonies that intersect to produce varied spaces and practices of sovereignty within the Haitian postcolonial nation-state. The dissertation highlights how race and class, gender and sexuality, education and language, and religion have been imagined and co-constituted by Haitian social movements in constructing ‘new’ collective identities that collapse the private and the public, the rural and the urban, the traditional and the modern. My project complements the scholarship on social movements and the postcolonial nation-state and pushes it forward by emphasizing its spatial dimensions. Moreover, the dissertation de-centers the state to underline the movement of capital, goods, resources, and populations that shape the postcolonial experience. I re-define the postcolonial nation-state as a network of local, regional, international, and transnational arrangements between different political agents, including social movement actors. To conduct this interdisciplinary research project, I employed ethnographic methods, discourse and textual analysis, as well as basic mapping and statistical descriptions in order to present a historically-rooted interpretation of individual and organizational negotiations for community-based autonomy and regional development. ^

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 at Sixty Years, Liberal Reform, and the Search for a Useable Past

The story of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution at sixty years remains contested. The current center-right government led by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán at once embraces the Revolution and yet at the same time trumpets the failure of the liberal states of the West. Hungarians are encouraged to view the authoritarian politics of Vladmir Putin as a successful model worthy of emulation. In this light the liberal state envisioned by many of the revolutionaries, let alone the liberal state expected by the European Union stands in contrast with one of the principal tenets of the ruling FIDESz/Christian Democrat (KDNP) coalition. At the same time, the current yearning for an illiberal state accords with a strand of desire more akin to those who supported Cardinal Mindszenty during the Revolution and by extension his sympathy for the authoritarian regime of Miklós Horthy.

La notion de l’explosion de la coopération et ses implications chez Kim Sterelny

Le concept de coopération est souvent utilisé dans le domaine de l’éthique et de la politique pour illustrer et comprendre l’alignement des comportements associatifs entre les êtres humains. En lien avec ce concept, notre recherche portera sur la première question de savoir si Kim Sterelny (2003) réussit à produire un modèle théorique permettant d’expliquer les origines et les mécanismes de la coopération humaine. Notre recherche portera aussi sur la deuxième question de savoir s’il arrive à se servir de ce modèle pour infirmer la thèse de la modularité massive. Ainsi, ce mémoire traitera successivement du problème de la coopération, de la théorie de la sélection de groupe, du déclencheur écologique de la coopération des hominidés, des notions de coalition, d’exécution et d’engagement et finalement de la thèse de la modularité massive. Par l’examen de ces sujets, nous souhaitons démontrer que Sterelny n’arrive qu’à fournir une esquisse probable des origines et du développement de la coopération humaine et que sa critique de la thèse de la modularité massive n’arrive pas à infirmer cette dernière.

The Office of Minority and Multicultural Health Advisory Council, Strategy planning documentation, January 29, 2013

This meeting brings together Iowa Department of Public Health Office of Minority and Multicultural Health and The OMMH Advisory Council in facilitated processes using the Technology of Participation Methods: Focused Conversation; and Consensus Workshop. The workshop question: “Over the next three years what community coalition building strategies continue to move us toward our vision?” Best practices are defined as those actions that are successfully undertaken and make a difference in the target population. They are studied, documented and can be prescribed for others. For groups who seek to make a difference the study of best practices from other similar communities and populations offers the best opportunity to successfully make change. 2

The Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association

Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. The Abortive Negotiations for a Free-trade Coalition to Defeat Tariff Reform: October, 1903, to February, 1904 by Richard A. Rempel The End of the American Watch on the Rhine by Alexander R. Stoesen Jim Crow Comes to South Carolina by Albert N. Sanders – Furman University Andrew Johnson: The Second Swing ‘Round the Circle by Robert J. Moore The Mature Religious Thought of John Adams by Robert B. Everett