915 resultados para Post-Second World War
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Sob a influência da Antígona sofocliana, Mário de Sacramento escreveu uma peça homónima publicada, isoladamente, em 1959, no vol. XIX, nº 186 da “Revista Vértice”, e incluída, no ano seguinte, na tetralogia intitulada Teatro Anatómico. Nesta peça em um ato, a tragédia homónima de Sófocles configura-se um recurso metateatral de carácter crítico-reflexivo, em que o diálogo intertextual com o ancestral texto trágico promove uma leitura dramática do destino infortunado dos sobreviventes de uma família francesa, vítima da ocupação alemão, na Segunda Guerra Mundial, que, como os últimos Labdácidas, confrontam o sofrimento de situações-limite, ditadas por conflitos insolúveis da condição humana. Neste «ensaio dramático de Mário de Sacramento, a protagonista é uma mulher francesa, Ivonne, que no tempo do Maquis, escolhe, como nome de código, “Antígona”. Pretende-se, neste estudo, apresentar uma análise da influência exercida pela Antígona sofocliana neste «ensaio dramático», ao nível da caracterização das dramatis personae e do desenvolvimento da ação, que se sustenta numa reflexão crítica sobre as motivações da filha de Édipo e o sentido trágico das suas ações.
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This dissertation seeks to discern the impact of social housing on public health in the cities of Glasgow, Scotland and Baltimore, Maryland in the twentieth century. Additionally, this dissertation seeks to compare the impact of social housing policy implementation in both cities, to determine the efficacy of social housing as a tool of public health betterment. This is accomplished through the exposition and evaluation of the housing and health trends of both cities over the course of the latter half of the twentieth century. Both the cities of Glasgow and Baltimore had long struggled with both overcrowded slum districts and relatively unhealthy populations. Early commentators had noticed the connection between insanitary housing and poor health, and sought a solution to both of these problems. Beginning in the 1940s, housing reform advocates (self-dubbed ‘housers') pressed for the development of social housing, or municipally-controlled housing for low-income persons, to alleviate the problems of overcrowded slum dwellings in both cities. The impetus for social housing was twofold: to provide affordable housing to low-income persons and to provide housing that would facilitate healthy lives for tenants. Whether social housing achieved these goals is the crux of this dissertation. In the immediate years following the Second World War, social housing was built en masse in both cities. Social housing provided a reprieve from slum housing for both working-class Glaswegians and Baltimoreans. In Baltimore specifically, social housing provided accommodation for the city’s Black residents, who found it difficult to occupy housing in White neighbourhoods. As the years progressed, social housing developments in both cities faced unexpected problems. In Glasgow, stable tenant flight (including both middle class and skilled artisan workers)+ resulted in a concentration of poverty in the city’s housing schemes, and in Baltimore, a flight of White tenants of all income levels created a new kind of state subsidized segregated housing stock. The implementation of high-rise tower blocks in both cities, once heralded as a symbol of housing modernity, also faced increased scrutiny in the 1960s and 1970s. During the period of 1940-1980, before policy makers in the United States began to eschew social housing for subsidized private housing vouchers and community based housing associations had truly taken off in Britain, public health professionals conducted academic studies of the impact of social housing tenancy on health. Their findings provide the evidence used to assess the second objective of social housing provision, as outlined above. Put simply, while social housing units were undoubtedly better equipped than slum dwellings in both cities, the public health investigations into the impact of rehousing slum dwellers into social housing revealed that social housing was not a panacea for each city’s social and public health problems.
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Transplantation is one of the medical activities with more expectation of success. For patients with end stage renal disease, kidney transplantation provides a better quality of life compared with those on dialysis, even for those with advanced age or co-morbidities. Greater access to food since the Second World War, high exposure to chemical and toxic, associated with changes in lifestyles, increased diabetes, hypertension, obesity, cardiovascular disease, chronic renal failure and transplantation demands. The dream of replacing damaged parts in the human body materialized with the transplants, but the hope in transplantation reached much higher levels than the actual results deserve. The transplant was used as flags of technical and scientific differentiation and success. Nonetheless transplantation was faced with shortage of organs and increased demand. The claim to the right to treatment quickly was confused and understood as the right to transplantation.
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This thesis examines the manufacture, use, exchange (including gift exchange), collecting and commodification of German medals and badges from the early 18th century until the present-day, with particular attention being given to the symbols that were deployed by the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP) between 1919 and 1945. It does so by focusing in particular on the construction of value through insignia, and how such badges and their symbolic and monetary value changed over time. In order to achieve this, the thesis adopts a chronological structure, which encompasses the creation of Prussia in 1701, the Napoleonic wars and the increased democratisation of military awards such as the Iron Cross during the Great War. The collapse of the Kaiserreich in 1918 was the major factor that led to the creation of the NSDAP under the eventual strangle-hold of Hitler, a fundamentally racist and anti-Semitic movement that continued the German tradition of awarding and wearing badges. The traditional symbols of Imperial Germany, such as the eagle, were then infused with the swastika, an emblem that was meant to signify anti-Semitism, thus creating a hybrid identity. This combination was then replicated en-masse, and eventually eclipsed all the symbols that had possessed symbolic significance in Germany’s past. After Hitler was appointed Chancellor in 1933, millions of medals and badges were produced in an effort to create a racially based “People’s Community”, but the steel and iron that were required for munitions eventually led to substitute materials being utilised and developed in order to manufacture millions of politically oriented badges. The Second World War unleashed Nazi terror across Europe, and the conscripts and volunteers who took part in this fight for living-space were rewarded with medals that were modelled on those that had been instituted during Imperial times. The colonial conquest and occupation of the East by the Wehrmacht, the Order Police and the Waffen-SS surpassed the brutality of former wars that finally culminated in the Holocaust, and some of these horrific crimes and the perpetrators of them were perversely rewarded with medals and badges. Despite Nazism being thoroughly discredited, many of the Allied soldiers who occupied Germany took part in the age-old practice of obtaining trophies of war, which reconfigured the meaning of Nazi badges as souvenirs, and began the process of their increased commodification on an emerging secondary collectors’ market. In order to analyse the dynamics of this market, a “basket” of badges is examined that enables a discussion of the role that aesthetics, scarcity and authenticity have in determining the price of the artefacts. In summary, this thesis demonstrates how the symbolic, socio-economic and exchange value of German military and political medals and badges has changed substantially over time, provides a stimulus for scholars to conduct research in this under-developed area, and encourages collectors to investigate the artefacts that they collect in a more historically contextualised manner.
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Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa
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This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Letras, Departamento de Teoria Literária e Literatura, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Literatura, 2016.
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Both the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first century have been characterized as a period of major political, economic, social and cultural transformations. Two of the major consequences of the political-economical crisis of the end of last century are the restructuring of capitalist production, and the consolidation of neoliberalism as a worldwide phenomenon. This new world political-economical scenario has influenced, in a dialectic way, the contemporary urban development. In that sense, "new" spatial processes and new paradigms in both urban management and urban planning have gained shape. In this context of urban transformations, the central areas of western cities, also known as historic centers, are being increasingly (re)valued. Since the Second World War, the historic centers urban areas which have great infrastructure and symbolic relevance had been undergoing a process of evasion of population and activities, undeniably linked to the neglect of government authorities. However, in recent decades, the question of historic centers rehabilitation has acquired a growing interest, academically and in political agendas. The object of this dissertation is to focus on how the government of each Brazil and Portugal has dealt with the issue of historic center rehabilitation through programs of urban rehabilitation
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Doutoramento em Economia.
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AbstractHousing rights are now one of the most fundamental social and economic human rights. It is therefore the duty of every country to implement such rights for its own citizens, irrespective of its economicdevelopment, political situation, or social conditions. Possession of appropriate living conditions determines, in fact, the possibility of using other, more advanced human rights (e.g. the right to health, right to development, right to peace, or access to culture). Realization of the right to adequate housing is increasingly problematic for developed countries. According to the United Nations, there areover 100 million homeless people worldwide and more than 1 billion inadequately housed. Poland is an example of a country particularly afflicted by housing problems after the Second World War.Experiences of Polish democratic transformation after 1989, therefore, provide interesting lessons (and warnings) for all countries wishing to deal with the social problems arising from housing difficulties.Keywords: right to adequate housing, human rights, housing rights, social transformation, transition, economic and social human rights, social issues, Poland, United Nations, communism.ResumenEl derecho a la vivienda es uno de los derechos humanos sociales y económicos más elementales. Por lo tanto, es un deber de todos los países implementar esos derechos para susciudadanos y ciudadanas, independependientmente de su desarrollo económico, situación política, o condiciones sociales. La posesión de adecuadas condiciones de vida determinala posibilidad de utilizar otros derechos humanos más avanzados (por ejemplo, derecho a la salud, derecho al desarrollo, derecho a la paz, acceso a la cultura). La realizacióndel derecho a una vivienda adecuada es cada vez más problemática para los países desarrollados. Según las Naciones Unidas, hay más de 100 millones de personas sin hogar en todo el mundo y más de 1000 millones alojadas en viviendas inadecuadas. Polonia es ejemplo de un país particularmente afectado por los problemas de vivienda después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Experiencias de la transformación democrática de Polonia después de 1989 ofrecen lecciones interesantes (y advertencias) para todos los países que deseen hacer frente a los problemas sociales derivados de las dificultades de vivienda.Palabras clave: derecho a la vivienda, derechos humanos, transformación social, transición, derechos económicos y sociales, cuestiones sociales, Polonia, Naciones Unidas, comunismo.
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La tesi si propone di analizzare i procedimenti giudiziari avviati dalla magistratura francese nel dopoguerra - dal 1945 alla metà degli anni Cinquanta – a carico di ex partigiani per crimini commessi tra il 1944 e il 1° giugno 1946, data legale della cessazione delle ostilità. La tesi è strutturata in quattro capitoli tematici principali. Andando oltre la cesura rappresentata dalla fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale, la tesi esamina un aspetto poco conosciuto di quanto accaduto dopo la fine della guerra di liberazione, coinvolgendo alcuni dei suoi protagonisti. Fin dall'inizio, la Resistenza ha rappresentato una complessa "questione memoriale"; questo studio mostra come i processi ai partigiani si inseriscano nel quadro più ampio della difficile costruzione della memoria degli anni della guerra. In effetti, i processi ai partigiani hanno costituito un terreno di confronto politico e sono stati strumentalizzati. Inoltre, la tesi si inserisce nel dibattito storiografico intorno alla categoria della giustizia di transizione, completando un quadro che si limitava allo studio dell’epurazione. È un nuovo sguardo sul periodo di transizione che ci permette di osservare, in modo completo e complesso, il passaggio attraverso diverse forme di giustizia con continuità e rotture. In questo senso, lo studio dei processi porta alla luce una serie di dinamiche legate non solo agli attori direttamente coinvolti, ma anche alla società in generale.
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Il Museo Monumento al Deportato politico e razziale nel Castello dei Pio a Carpi (MO), a pochi passi dal Campo nazionale della deportazione razziale e politica di Fossoli, è il risultato di un concorso pubblico nazionale bandito nel 1963, frutto dell’impegno civile tra istituzioni, associazioni e intellettuali. Tra questi il gruppo BBPR il quale, in collaborazione con l’artista Renato Guttuso, si aggiudicheranno la vittoria del concorso. Il progetto vincitore, pur apportando alcune modifiche in fase di realizzazione, manterrà la sua impostazione antiretorica, utilizzando un linguaggio rigoroso e astratto. Partendo dalle caratteristiche che rendono quest’opera una struttura unica nel suo genere, obiettivo principale di questa ricerca di Dottorato è quello di restituire una genealogia del Museo Monumento al Deportato politico e razziale dei BBPR, ricostruendo il quadro culturale e politico italiano nel lasso di tempo che intercorre dalla fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale (1945) e l’anno della sua inaugurazione (1973). Tale approccio metodologico scelto costituisce l’aspetto di novità della ricerca: un punto di vista ancora inedito con cui guardare il Museo-Monumento, differenziandosi, così, dalle più recenti pubblicazioni sullo stesso, le quali si concentrano soprattutto sulle logiche progettuali del Museo. In conclusione, lo scopo di questa tesi è quella di dare una nuova chiave interpretativa al Museo, che sia non solo un arricchimento alla sua conoscenza ma che, altresì, attesti l’esistenza di un’identità, altrettanto unica e irripetibile, della memoria della deportazione nella cultura architettonica italiana presa in esame, frutto di una “cultura condivisa” tra architetti, artisti, scrittori, politici e intellettuali, accumunati dalle tragiche vicende che in quest’opera si vogliono narrare.
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La presente ricerca affronta il tema delle esportazioni illecite e delle spoliazioni di opere d’arte attuate dai nazisti in Italia negli anni precedenti e durante la Seconda guerra mondiale. In particolare, all’interno di tale vasta questione, si è voluto far emergere il ruolo di Giorgio Castelfranco nella salvaguardia e tutela del patrimonio artistico italiano. Giorgio Castelfranco, funzionario di soprintendenza storico dell’arte, ha apportato il proprio contributo nella tutela del patrimonio grazie a diverse azioni da lui compiute durante la propria carriera. Contributo che si può far iniziare con i primi interventi di tutela, diremmo oggi, preventiva, come la compilazione del catalogo degli oggetti d’arte e degli elenchi dei monumenti, ma anche la salvaguardia delle bellezze naturali, compiuti negli anni Venti e Trenta del Novecento, presso le Soprintendenze della Puglia, dell’Umbria e della Toscana. Con l’emergenza della Guerra poi Castelfranco fu impegnato in una vera e propria opera di recupero e ricostruzione. Quest'ultima intesa non del solo patrimonio storico-artistico e monumentale, ma anche dell’amministrazione delle Belle Arti, a cui Castelfranco ha attivamente contribuito durante la reggenza della Direzione Generale sotto il Governo Badoglio. Inoltre, in occasione dei sopralluoghi ai depositi di opere d’arte toscani e durante la Missione per il recupero delle opere d’arte in Germania del 1946-1947, Castelfranco, grazie alle proprie competenze e all’esperienza maturata in decenni di attività professionale, ebbe l’occasione di dare il proprio fondamentale contributo all’individuazione e al recupero delle opere d’arte esportate illecitamente e trafugate dai nazisti.
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Questo lavoro ricostruisce l'uso strategico di Gandhi come “significante” nel pensiero politico dell'Atlantico Nero, nella lotta contro la supremazia bianca e nei processi di decolonizzazione. Le pratiche discorsive che hanno stretto alleanze metaforiche con il movimento gandhiano sono evidenziate come un mezzo con cui il discorso politico nero attraversa la linea di separazione tra metropoli e colonie, e sovverte la costruzione spaziale della modernità. L’analisi spazia dall'indomani della Prima guerra mondiale alla seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta. Questa parte di Secolo breve fu caratterizzata dalle due guerre mondiali, dalla Lega contro l'imperialismo e dai congressi panafricani - importanti punti di svolta che consolidarono la consapevolezza di un'esperienza comune di oppressione e sfruttamento razziale. La ricerca si concentra sui circuiti e movimenti editoriali e associativi, come i congressi panafricani (1919-1945), il movimento “New Negro”, l’UNIA di Marcus Garvey, il sindacalismo nero e i movimenti di liberazione africani - in particolare la Positive Action in Ghana, il movimento zikista in Nigeria e la Defiance Campaign in Sud Africa. Nel complesso quadro di gerarchie e idiosincrasie dell'Atlantico Nero, gli scarti semantici dell'uso di Gandhi come tropo politico sono connessi con diverse prospettive e visioni di solidarietà.
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Mode of access: Internet.