505 resultados para activism
Resumo:
This thesis presents an in-depth case study of a superdiverse neighbourhood in Glasgow where long-term white and ethnic minority communities reside alongside Roma migrants, asylum seekers and refugees, young professionals and other recent arrivals in traditional tenement housing. It focuses on the nature and extent of social contact and trust and on the role of context in shaping social relations. Employing the concepts of social milieu and intersectionality to identify social differences the research examines the relationships between five broad groupings of residents in the neighbourhood: Nostalgic Working Class, Scottish Asian, Liberal Homeowners, Kinship-sited Roma and Global Migrants. Ethnographic fieldwork was carried out in contexts within the neighbourhood, theorised as being potential sites for intergroup contact. Three types of interactions were examined: Group-based Interactions, Neighbour Interactions and Street Interactions. The data comprised documentary evidence, participant and direct observations, in-depth qualitative and walk-along interviews with residents and local organisations. Findings show that rather than individualising and isolating residents, superdiversity can stimulate community activism, yet there remains a preference for interaction within ones own social milieu. The research has found that the concentration of poverty and material conditions has a more profound effect on social relations than historical diversity and the extent to which diversity is normalised within local discourses. Trust judgements in a superdiverse context may rely more on shared interests, moral outlook and assessments of the context rather than the extent of social contact. The quasi-private spaces of shared residential spaces and community activities can facilitate encounters with the potential to build trust, yet for this to occur cooperation through shared activities may not be sufficient. Interactions may need to move beyond co-presence and conviviality to increased understanding and empathy through dialogue. At an aggregate level, the extent to which superdiversity contributes to social contact and trust within the neighbourhood is strongly influenced by contextual factors and wider economic processes influencing housing tenure mix, private renting, property maintenance, residential churn and environmental conditions. Through examining different types of social contacts, the dynamics of trust as well as contextual influences, this thesis offers insights into the causal processes and factors that influence social relations at a local level.
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Faithful Genres examines how African Americans adapted the genres of the black church during the civil rights movement. Civil rights mass meetings, as the movements so-called energy machine and heartbeat, serve as the projects central site of inquiry for these meetings were themselves adaptations of the genre of the black church service. The mass meetings served as the space to draw people into the movement, encourage people toward further activism, and testify to anyone watching that the African American community was working toward desegregation, voting rights, and racial equality. In Martin Luther King, Jr.s words, Through these meetings we were able to generate the power and depth which finally galvanized the entire Negro community. In these weekly or sometimes even nightly meetings, participants inhabited the familiar genres of the black church, song, prayer, and testimony. As they did, they remade these genres to respond directly to white supremacy and to enact the changes they sought to create. While scholars have studied the speeches men and women such as King, Ralph Abernathy, and Fannie Lou Hamer delivered at meetings (Wilson; Selby; Holmes; Brooks), scholars have yet to examine how civil rights mass meetings functioned through a range of genres and rhetors. My study addresses this absence and invigorates this discussion to demonstrate how the other meeting genres beyond the speechsong, prayer, and testimonyfunctioned to create energy, sustenance, and motivation for activists. Examining these collectively enacted genres, I show how rhetors adapted song, prayer, and testimony toward strategic interventions. I also examine how activists took these same genres up outside the meetings to circulate them in broader contexts for new audiences. By recovering and defining the mass meeting as a flexible repertoire of genres and then examining the redeployment of meeting genres outside the meeting, Faithful Genres contributes to histories of civil rights and African American rhetorics, genre studies, and histories of religious rhetorics.
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El documento asume que el ejercicio de la ciudadana plena, enun contexto globalizado, debe partir de consideraciones polticas,culturales y econmicas antes que de un reconocimiento legal. Seentiende que la ciudadana global, como un vehculo planetario,puede ser ostentada por personas individuales y por gruposidentitarios, como las mujeres, de manera que se llega a concebirel movimiento social de mujeres como el Estado en Red de Castells.Sin embargo, se aprecia que este ejercicio ciudadano no puedeser pleno, sin la existencia de unos tribunales internacionales dejusticia que garanticen los derechos implcitos en el concepto deciudadana, que en el caso concreto de la Corte Interamericana havenido moldeando el ejercicio de la ciudadana global a partir delestablecimiento de unos estndares jurisprudenciales en materiade derechos humanos de las mujeres, aplicables en cada uno de losEstados que han reconocido la competencia de la Corte Regional.
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The Treaty of Lisbon has altered the institutional mechanism of the European Union. The introduction of formal hierarchy of legal acts has important implications for the balance of power among the EU institutions. This paper argues that the Commission is likely to enjoy some discretion in delegated lawmaking while remaining in the shadow of the legislators activism. The Commission has also successfully positioned itself to diminish the influence of comitology committees on the adoption of implementing acts, though a new layer of complexity was added. The possible outcomes of this new institutional battle are analysed in the context of the new challenges to the Community method. Some important inferences of this institutional shift for the debate on the democratic deficit in the EU are also drawn up.
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Tese (doutorado)Universidade de Braslia, Instituto de Artes, Departamento de Artes Visuais, Programa de Ps-Graduao em Arte, 2015.
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Set in 2008 Puerto Rico, this novel aims to explore the relationship between constructed masks of personal identity, the increasingly interconnected nature of community, and their confluence in the worlds of politics, media, social activism, and business through a narrative examination of the ways in which three primary characters affect the lives of those around them. Jaime, a meditative young man with a penchant for planes, comes home to find the power shut off and his drug-addict mother gone. His best friend, Yarique, a disaffected stoner with a false sense of machismo, becomes an overnight sensation after an escalating series of violent run-ins with his abuelos neighbor. Ravolo Soto, a reclusive pitorro distiller, drinks to keep The Other in check, but takes off into the jungles of Lares, hiding out in his fathers mountain shack, after a violent encounter with the police leaves one officer dead.
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Muitos so os estudos e ativismos que chamam a ateno para a necessidade de ampliar as investigaes e visibilidades de lsbicas na academia brasileira. Com vista a ampliar o conhecimento sobre essa populao, propomos com a dissertao O que sei, o que eu acho e o que me disseram: dilogos com jovens sobre lesbianidade, desenvolvida no Programa de Ps-graduao em Histria da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande/RS, interrogar, problematizar e compreender as representaes sobre a(s) lesbianidade(s) produzidas por cinco jovens de uma escola agrcola da regio sul do estado do Rio Grande do Sul. A pesquisa, orientada pelos Estudos Culturais Lesbofeministas, produziu seus dados a partir da Etnografia ps-crtica, subsidiada pelas abordagens metodolgicas proporcionadas pelas rodas de conversas e anotaes no dirio de campo. Partindo das anlises dos dados, podemos apontar que as estudantes possuem vises e entendimentos conceituais a respeito da(s) lesbianidade(s) e que esses j possuem um posicionamento crtico frente forma como a mulher retratada na sociedade. Entretanto, podemos verificar que a temtica lesbianidade(s) no diferente da forma como as demais mulheres so retratadas na escola, que atravessada pela invisibilidade histrico-escolar ancora-se em representaes mediadas pela violncia, limitadas s relaes afetivo-sexuais e/ou dimenses domsticas e ntimas da sexualidade.
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The purpose of this study is to examine organizational patterns of African American activism in response the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Given their political, economic, and social disenfranchisement, African Americans have historically developed protest and survival strategies to respond to the devaluation of their lives, health, and well-being. While Black protest strategies are typically regarded as oppositional and transformative, Black survival strategies have generally been conceptualized as accepting inequality. In the case of HIV/AIDS, African American religious and non-religious organizations were less likely to deploy protest strategies to ensure the survival and well-being of groups most at risk for HIV/AIDSsuch as African American gay men and substance abusers. This study employs a multiple qualitative case study analysis of four African American organizations that were among the early mobilizers to respond to HIV/AIDS in Washington D.C. These organizations include two secular or community-based organizations and two Black churches or faith-based organizations. Given the association of HIV/AIDS with sexual sin and social deviance, I postulated that Black community-based organizations would be more responsive to the HIV/AIDS-related needs and interests of African Americans than their religious counterparts. More specifically, I expected that Black churches would be more conservative (i.e. maintain paternalistic heteronormative sexual standards) than the community-based organizations. Yet findings indicate that the Black churches in this study were more similar than different than the community-based organizations in their strategic responses to HIV/AIDS. Both the community-based organizations and Black churches drew upon three main strategies in ways that politicalize the struggle for Black survivalor what I regard as Black survival politics. First, Black survival strategies for HIV/AIDS include coalition building at the intersection of multiple systems of inequality, as well as on the levels of identity and community. Second, Black survival politics include altering aspects of religious norms and practices related to sex and sexuality. Third, Black survival politics relies on the resources of the government to provide HIV/AIDS related programs and initiatives that are, in large part, based on the gains made from collective action.
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This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.
Resumo:
O principal objetivo deste estudo foi compreender as etapas do percurso artstico do compositor portuense Ciraco de Cardoso (1846 1900) e os discursos em torno de uma das suas obras mais clebres: O burro do Sr. Alcaide (1891). No primeiro captulo procurou-se identificar e discutir os critrios que estiveram na base das opes profissionais tomadas por Ciraco. O decurso da sua carreira leva a crer que possua uma noo profunda das atividades que, no espao lusfono, apresentavam maior potencial de aquisio quer de capital econmico, quer de capital simblico. por isso que, mobilizando recursos das suas redes de sociabilidade, circula por instituies no Porto e em Lisboa mas, tambm, pelo lucrativo mercado teatral do Rio de Janeiro, assim como em Paris. Concentra-se no popular teatro musical principal fonte de sustento em paralelo com a atividade concertstica e opertica forma de distino atendendo competitividade no mercado musico-teatral. Percebe tambm que a maximizao do seu poder simblico depende da legitimao alcanada pela sua associao s elites socioculturais locais, pelo que fomenta o estabelecimento de sociabilidades que se estendem inclusive s casas reais portuguesa e brasileira. Paradoxalmente, as edes mais prximas de Ciraco estavam vinculadas a um idealismo republicano, relacionamento que exponencial proliferao de discursos dessa ndole pelos media lusfonos (sobretudo a partir do tricentenrio camoniano de 1880) e, por outro, pela aparente inexistncia de registos que associem inequivocamente o artista ao ativismo republicano. No obstante, provvel que Ciraco de Cardoso tenha explorado o filo antimonrquico na programao da temporada de 1891 do Teatro da Avenida. O segundo captulo explora a produo de O burro do Sr. Alcaide, atravs da anlise da sua estrutura e das relaes da obra com a realidade portuguesa da ltima dcada do sculo XIX. Embora respeite o modelo da opereta francesa, apresenta tambm caractersticas que podero levar a que seja interpretada como transmissora de uma portugalidade idealizada, em linha com o nacionalismo portugus do ltimo quartel do sculo. A ao decorre em Lisboa, cenrio de interao entre personagens-tipo e caricaturas de personalidades concretas da elite sociopoltica portuguesa. Atravs de referncias ao sebastianismo, satiriza-se o comportamento dessas elites, assim como as instituies da monarquia constitucional e a prevalncia de uma viso messinica dos governantes por parte da sociedade em geral. Faz-se a apologia da ruralidade atravs de tpicos musicais e de quadros onde se constri uma imagem da msica tradicional, correspondendo a uma idealizao da nao notada e enfatizada na receo pela crtica. Utiliza tambm outros tpicos pertencentes paisagem sonora do pblico burgus, completando a expresso da urbanidade de um pas onde essas duas realidades no eram ainda completamente dissociveis. Contudo, ao no propor alteraes efetivas hierarquia da sociedade portuguesa finissecular, o desfecho da obra leva a concluir que esta ter consistido numa forma de propaganda o que, por um lado, explica o seu mediatismo e, por outro, vincula os seus autores mais ou menos conscientes disso s lutas polticas em curso aquando do ano da sua estreia.
Charte canadienne et droits linguistiques : frontires allgoriques et autres assertions consensuelles
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La frontire entre le politique et l'intellectualisme militant est, d'ordinaire, tnue. Tout univers politico-constitutionnel est ainsi susceptible de faire les frais d'un martlement doctrinal qui, maints gards, relve davantage du construit que du donn. Rsultante directe d'une construction parfois intresse, le rcit identitaire, force de rptition, s'installera confortablement sur les siges de l'imaginaire populaire. Il accdera, au fil du temps, au statut de mythe pur et simple. Ce dernier, politiquement parlant, revt de puissants effets aphrodisiaques. La prsente thse doctorale s'intresse plus particulirement aux mythes crs, depuis 1982, par un segment de la doctrine qubcoise : en matire de droits linguistiques, objet principal de notre tude, Charte canadienne des droits et liberts et Cour suprme, toutes deux ligues contre le Qubec, combineront leurs efforts afin d'assurer le recul du fait franais dans la Belle Province. Quant aux francophones hors Qubec, ceux-ci, depuis l'effritement du concept de nation canadienne-franaise, sont dornavant exclus de l'quation, expurgs de l'chiquier constitutionnel. En fait, l'adoption d'un nationalisme mthodologique comme nouvelle orthodoxie politique et doctrinale rend ardue, en plusieurs sens, la conciliation de leur existence avec les paradigmes et pistmologie maintenant consacrs. Ainsi, et selon la logique du tiers exclu, une victoire francophone hors Qubec signifiera, du fait d'une prtendue symtrie interprtative, un gain pour la communaut anglo-qubcoise. Cette thse vise discuter de la teneur de diverses allgories tablies et, le cas chant, reconsidrer la porte relle de la Charte canadienne en matire linguistique. Il sera alors dmontr que plusieurs lieux communs formuls par les milieux intellectuels qubcois chouent au moins partiellement, le test de l'analyse factuelle. Celui-ci certifiera de l'exclusion, par la doxa, de toute dcision judiciaire ou autre vrit empirique ne pouvant cadrer mme les paramtres, voire les prismes, de l'orthodoxie suggre.
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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace
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This dissertation research project uses the Euromaidan protests in Ukraine to inform and shape a theory of augmented dissent to help explain the complex ways in which protest participants guided by the political, social, and cultural contexts engage in dissent augmented by ICTs in a reality where both the physical and the digital are used in concert. The purpose of this research is to conceptualize the use and perception of ICTs in protest activity using the communicative affordances framework. Through a mixed-method research approach involving interviews with protest participants, as well as qualitative and thematic analysis of online content from social media pages of several key Euromaidan protest communities, the research project examines the role ICTs played in the information and media landscape during the Euromaidan protest. The findings of the online content analysis were used to inform the questions for the 59 semi-structured, open-ended interviews with Euromaidan protest participants in Ukraine and abroad. The research findings provide in-depth insights about how ICTs were used and perceived by protest participants, and their role as vehicles for information and civic media content. The study employs the theoretical framework of social media affordances to interpret the data gathered during the interviews and content analysis to better understand how digital media augmented citizens protest activity through affording them new possibilities for dissent, and how they made meaning of said protest activity as augmented by ICTs. The findings contribute towards shaping a theory of digitally augmented dissent that conceptualizes the complex relationship between citizens and ICTs during protest activity as an affordance-driven one, where online and offline tools and activity merge into a unified dissent space and extend or augment the possibilities for action in interesting, and sometimes unexpected ways. Such a conceptual model could inform broader theories about civic participation and digital activism in the post-Soviet world and beyond, as ICTs become an inseparable part of civic life.
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Tese (doutorado)Universidade de Braslia, Instituto de Relaes Internacionais, Programa de Ps-Graduao em Relaes Internacionais, 2016.
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Dissertao (mestrado)Universidade de Braslia, Instituto de Cincia Poltica, Programa de Ps-Graduao em Cincia Poltica, 2016.
