870 resultados para Islamic philosophy.


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This work develops the foundations of an Islamic argument for secular, liberal democracy from within the Islamic discursive tradition. First, it challenges the presentation of contemporary Islamic political thought as a unified, continuous development of the classical canon by showing the influence of the now marginalized medieval rationalists in the development of Islamic political thought. The classical rationalist concern with divine justice forced the founders of Sunni orthodoxy to state their epistemologies and their positions on ethical ontology. The orthodox positions, and their related methods of legal-juristic reasoning, are shown to be incapable of accommodating the modern Islamic positions on political representation, slavery, and just war. This leads to the second argument of the work, that the modern Islamic discourse is better understood as a reflection of the central concern with justice and its rationalist epistemology and ethical ontology we find in the writings of classical rationalists. This argument is made by examining the works of three classical rationalists, a theologian, a philosopher, and a historian. Their political positions, shaped by their rationalism and concern with justice, challenged their orthodox contemporaries, and provide substantive critiques of the classical political accommodations, methods of politico-legal reasoning, and hence, of modern Islamist political projects. The final chapter reveals how far the mainstream of Islamic political thought has deviated from the classical discourses, since the 19th century, by adopting the language and ideals of the European Enlightenment. This shift is presented as a triumph of classical rationalism over literalism, whose epistemological foundations and ontological implications have yet to be acknowledged and appreciated.

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This dissertation examines African-American Islamic culture from 1920 through 1959, a period I label the "African-American Islamic Renaissance" (AAIR). The AAIR is characterized by a significant increase in interest in Islam, extreme diversity in views about Islam, and the absence of a single organization dominating African-American Islamic culture for a significant amount of time. Previous works dealing with African-American Islam in this period have failed to fully recognize these features, particularly the last of these. As a result, explanations for the rise of the Nation of Islam (NOI) have not satisfactorily explained why it was only the NOI--and not other Islamic groups that were more popular than the NOI up until the mid-1950s--that became a "mass movement," gaining the allegiance of tens of thousands of African Americans. There has been some tendency, for instance, to assume that the NOI was the most popular African-American Islamic group by the early 1950s, a notion that is probably an inference drawn from two other popular but inaccurate assumptions: that the NOI's rise was due primarily to its radical racialized doctrines and its charismatic leaders, particularly Malcolm X, who became a popular minister for the group in the early 1950s. I argue, however, that the NOI was in fact not the most popular African-American Islamic group until at least 1955, and even as late as 1959 its official membership numbers were not particularly large by AAIR standards. Also, its doctrines were not especially unique in the AAIR, nor was its having extremely charismatic leaders. I contend that the success of the NOI in the mid-to-late 1950s was the result of three levels of changes at the time: internal, external in the AAIR community, and external in the broader U.S, culture.

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One leaf containing a handwritten list of books marked "Natural Philosophy." Entries contain the author's last name and abbreviated title; five books have dates. The page is inscribed "Callender" and likely refers to John Callender (Harvard AB 1790).

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One leaf containing a handwritten list of books with one column marked "Ethics" and the other column marked "Moral Philosophy." Entries contain the author's last name and abbreviated title. The page is inscribed "Vose," likely referring to Roger Vose (Harvard AB 1790), and the verso has a fragment of a poem.

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One leaf containing a handwritten list of books generally on ethics and moral philosophy, though no subject is identified. Entries contain the author's last name and abbreviated title. The page is inscribed "Paine," likely referring to Robert Treat Paine (Harvard AB 1792), and the verso has a fragment of a student essay on the theme "An undevout astronomer is mad," signed "Paine."

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This folder contains a single document describing the "rules and orders" of the Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. The document begins by defining the subjects to be taught by the Hollis Professor including natural and experimental philosophy, elements of geometry, and the principles of astronomy and geography. It then outlines the number of public and private lectures to be given to students, how much extra time the professor should spend with students reviewing any difficulties they may encounter understanding class subject matter discussed, and stipulates that the professor's duties shall be restricted solely to his teaching activities and not involve him in any religious activities at the College or oblige him to teach any additional studies other than those specified for the Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. Furthermore, the rules establish the professor's salary at £80 per year and allow the professor to receive from students, except those students studying theology under the Hollis Professor of Divinity, an additional fee as determined by the Corporation and Board of Overseers, to supplement his income. Moreover, the rules assert that all professorship candidates selected by the Harvard Corporation must be approved by Thomas Hollis during his lifetime or by his executor after his death. Finally, the rules state that the Hollis professor take an oath to the civil government and declare himself a member of the Protestant reformed religion. This document is signed by Thomas Hollis and four witnesses, John Hollis, Joshua Hollis, Richard Solly, and John Williams.

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Notebook with a handwritten copy of lecture summaries for a physics course given by Harvard Professor John Winthrop. The notes were made by Timothy Foster in 1772 and 1773. The volume contains twenty-five lectures with some diagrams.

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Possibly autograph, dated at end of volume: Finitu[m] mart: 14, 1678/9. Imperfect copy with title page missing; supplied from a MS copy, dated 29 March 1680, now in the Bodleian Library.

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eser-i hame-yi Ömer Hilmi.

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Title supplied by cataloger.

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Title supplied by cataloger

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During the last decade Castoriadis’ questioning has become a reference point in contemporary social theory. In this article I examine some of the key notions in Castoriadis’ work and explore how he strives to develop a theory on the irreducible creativity in the radical imagination of the individual and in the institution of the social-historical sphere. Firstly, I briefly discuss his conception of modern capitalism as bureaucratic capitalism, a view initiated by his criticism of the USSR regime. The following break up with Marxist theory and his psychoanalytic interests empowered him to criticize Lacan and read Freud in an imaginative, though unorthodox, fashion. I argue that this critical enterprise assisted greatly Castoriadis in his conception of the radical imaginary and in his unveiling of the political aspects of psychoanalysis. On the issue of the radical imaginary and its methodological repercussions, I’m focusing mainly on the radical imagination of the subject and its importance in the transition from the ‘‘psychic’’ to the ‘‘subject’’. Taking up the notion of “Being” as a starting point, I examine the notion of autonomy, seeking its roots in the ancient Greek world. By looking at notions such as “praxis”, “doing”, “project” and “elucidation”, I show how Castoriadis sought to redefine revolution as a means for social and individual autonomy. Finally I attempt to clarify the meaning of “democracy” and “democratic society” in the context of the social imaginary and its creations, the social imaginary significations.

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O pensamento cultural medieval aparece-nos como herdeiro da Antiguidade Clássica, da sua filosofia, ciência, arte e mitos. Todos estes conceitos traduzem-se com facilidade para as elites intelectuais cristãs e muçulmanas, que os conservam e integram em elementos da sua própria cultura. A ideia do mar, em especial o mar dito ‘aberto’ como o Oceano Atlântico, é marcada pelo maravilhoso. Em plena Idade Média o Oceano Atlântico surge como território de Caos, envolto em mistério. O Oceano Atlântico é local das mais variadas manifestações do fantástico. Desta forma, as ilhas atlânticas, contidas neste vasto oceano, são elas próprias impregnadas de um carácter maravilhoso. Tentaremos, ao longo desta dissertação de mestrado, abordar a questão das ilhas atlânticas e das suas características a nível de imaginário. Este exercício será feito, sempre que possível, fazendo o cruzamento de fontes de origem islâmica e de origem cristã. Desta maneira, surgirá uma imagem comum em relação ao imaginário do Oceano Atlântico e, em especial, das ilhas neste contidas. O objetivo principal deste trabalho é verdadeiramente demonstrar pontos de aproximação entre relatos e mapas, de origem cristã e islâmica, ligados a ilhas fantásticas e, ao mesmo tempo, reais. Veremos que as duas categorias, do real e do imaginário, sobrepõem-se diversas vezes, sendo que não se conseguem muitas vezes distinguir a nível das fontes. Desta forma, relatos de navegações atlânticas como a de São Brandão (de origem celto-cristã) ou a dos Aventureiros de Lisboa (originária no al-Andalus,) são reveladoras das atitudes e ideias na Idade Média em relação ao Atlântico e às suas ilhas.