955 resultados para Main Colombian poets


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Cross-cultural studies on eating behaviors and related constructs can identify cultural and social factors that contribute to eating disorder symptomatology. Eating disorders (EDs) are a major cause for concern in the U.S., and recent studies in Colombia have shown growing rates among their female population. In addition, cosmetic surgery procedures have been increasing rapidly in both the U.S. and Colombia, and preliminary research suggests a positive relation between disordered eating and endorsement of plastic surgery. In samples of college women from Colombia and the U.S., we investigated patterns of association between disordered eating variables and cosmetic surgery acceptance. Our approach utilized separate analyses for various subcomponents of disordered eating (to determine their unique associations with cosmetic surgery acceptance) while adjusting for potentially relevant covariates and examining cross-cultural patterns. Participants were students at an urban, public college in the U.S. (n=163) and an urban, private college in Colombia (n=179). Overall, our findings suggested that participants from Colombia with greater disordered eating were more likely to endorse cosmetic surgery for social reasons, while those from the U.S. were more likely to consider undergoing cosmetic surgery for personal reasons. Differing findings between the two samples may be due to cultural and social factors, which we delineate. These findings also have potential implications for presurgical counseling of cosmetic surgery candidates.

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The goal of this research was to identify predic- tive psychosocial factors of the subjective quality of life in a group of 60 people, with ages between 19 and 57, from both sexes, included in the program of demobilization and social inclusion of the Pro- grama de la Alta Consejería para la Reintegración Social y Económica de Personas y Grupos Alzados en Armas en Colombia. this research was a predic- tive correlational descriptive study. the Question- naire of optimism/Pessimism was used to assess the optimist or pessimist trend, and, for assess the quality of life, these strategies were combined: a home visit to value the objective quality of life, the Analogous scale of subjective Quality of Life to value satisfaction and well-being, and a general format to collect socio-demographic and juridical information. Results show that some variables as perceived health, optimism, educational level, re- ligious believes, objective quality of life, type of demobilization and years spent in the armed group operating outside the law, are associated to better levels of perceived quality of life. The findings and limitations of the study are discussed.  

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Almost one hundred years ago the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching authorized a study and report about the medical education of the United States and Canada directed by Mr. Abraham Flexner an education expert of the time. This report turned out to be one of the most important documents of the medical education revolution that took place by that time in North America and that led it to become what it is today. Almost a century after that, Colombian medical education has reached an outstanding similarity to the system described in the Flexner report. The present article highlights the parallel between North America’s medical education situation a hundred years ago and Colombia’s actual medical education situation. We present here some notions about the actual education system based on what was described on 1910 and which we consider, constitutes the current medical education situation on our country and possibly on many Latin American countries.

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This document is intended to be read by the Colombian Ministry of Social Protection (former MoH) and includes some recommendations that could be implemented on the aim to increase allocative efficiency, thus improving macroeconomic performance of the Colombian Health System (CHS). It will be conducted as follows: first it will briefly review the background and actual context of the CHS, after this, will mention some related issues that justify a policy intervention on strategic purchasing to promote long run sustainability and hopefully the future attainment of major goals such as universal coverage and quality improvement. After prioritizing the main financial threats to the system, based on findings from literature review from countries that have successfully implemented similar policies, this paper will make some policy recommendations on regards especially to inpatient health care services in Colombia.

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The main purpose of this article is to propose a set of elements, taken from contemporary social studies, which can help to understand how and in which way the actions of the organi zations in Colombia go. The first part of the article presents a brief reflection on how speeches have been built, according to the way in which Colombian organizations are managed. The second part tackles the question about different ways to think the dynamics of organizations in Colombia. The last part of the text shows the elements pointed out as the purpose of the article. It is important to indicate that the way these elements are understood in real Colombian organizations can bring an alternative management model for the organizations in the country.

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In this article the author try to emphasize how the Connectivity Agenda, enacted in 2000 as the Colombian policy to move the country toward the knowledge society trough the intensive use of Information and Communication Technologies – ICT, has been a successful electronic government initiative. To achieve it, the author describes first the general policy outline and then the proposed benefits comparing them to the ones already obtained, and explaining how there is no gap between planning and execution. To complement this exposition, the author presents the results of an evaluation model applied, which focused on determining what the citizens expect from the electronic administration and how they perceive it. Finally, the author states how both approaches conclude that the Connectivity Agenda can be considered as a successful electronic government initiative.

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This paper describes a human management model as conceived in organizations that carry out a strategic direction of staff, based on a critical look of traditional management and some of its notions, such as the classical perspective of strategic addressing and human resources management. The privileged theoretical framework is the epistemological ground of the organizational theory and some of its sociological resources. In addition to the documentary review and the proposal of experts in consulting, a group of graphics made under the basic logicof set theory, designed from the analysis of several Colombian organizations, are presented. The main finding is that despite the efforts of executives, consultants and scholars to build management models different from functionalists, the way they have been thought in order to make them more strategic has made them still more functionalists that in the traditional approach. The strategic human management reproduces, with enormous power, the ideology of the macroeconomic model.

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This article is an attempt to make an introduction, both empirical grounded and descriptive, of the dynamic that the collective action for peace shows in the Colombian society, with special emphasis in the geographical dimension. The article is developed in two main parts: firstly, the key characteristics of such social mobilization for peace are presented (an important and massive mobilization, which displays a varied repertoire of action forms and reaches a countrywide scale). Secondly, using the data of the Cinep’s collective action for peace database (Datapaz), the process of geographical expansion of those actions are showed. Tour periods of time are considered: the antecedents of the peace mobilization (1978-1985),the activation of the peace mobilization (1986-1992), the blossoming of the peace organizations and massive demonstrations (1993-1999), and, finally, the crisis of the massive demonstrations but a great dynamism at the local level (2000-2003). Summarizing, the article starts to elaborate which can be called a geography of peace; that is to say, it is an analysis that shows the geographical dynamic of the collective efforts for peace in the Colombian society. It aims to demonstrate that the Colombian reality is not only armed conflict, but also a growing confluence of initiatives and efforts towards finding alternatives to violence.

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This paper presents the assessment that inhabitants of some Colombian cities did on the conditions that contribute to the livability of public space. Seven hundred and forty people, inhabitants of Yopal, Villavicencio, Valledupar, Popayán, Pereira, Pasto, Neiva, Montería, Medellín, Fusagasugá, Cúcuta, Cartagena, Cali and Bogotá participated in the study. The assessment of the conditions that contribute to the livability of public space was carried out using an instrument composed of 48 items that inquired about the level of contribution that can have different conditions on the quality of public space, from a scale five points ranging from: Does not contribute at all (-2) to: Contribute significantly (+2). The results show the conditions that most affect the habitability of public space in Colombia, as well as the differences between cities according to the assessment made by participants about the general state of public space in cities. Multidimensional analysis (SSA) evidence a structure that reflects the function that public space plays in people’s assessment on Colombian cities. It is discussed the implications of the findings for urban planning and management and the designed instrument is proposed as a tool to assess the quality of urban public space.

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Los Estados recurren a la coordinación interagencial cuando enfrentan situaciones complejas como garantizar la legitimidad estatal en territorios recuperados militarmente. En el momento que dos o más entidades deciden cooperar, deben establecer mecanismos para la coordinación de sus acciones y relacionar los esfuerzos individuales con objetivos comunes. El gobierno Uribe ha definido como prioridad el establecimiento de instancias de coordinación interagencial para complementar la Política de Seguridad Democrática con acciones para fortalecer la gobernabilidad, legitimidad y confianza de los ciudadanos en el Estado, en el marco de la recuperación social del territorio.Este artículo (i) presenta una aproximación inicial a la teoría de coordinación interagencial y describe algunas experiencias internacionales y nacionales; (ii) define el fundamento legal y de política del trabajo cívico-militar coordinado en Colombia; (iii) presenta el trabajo para la recuperación social que realiza el Centro de Coordinación de Acción Integral de la Presidencia de la República –CCAI–, mostrando algunos avances en esta tarea; y (iv) finaliza concluyendo que la seguridad e inversión social no son excluyentes y deben ir de la mano, y es necesario consolidar y asegurar la sostenibilidad de la labor realizada.-----Modern states resort to interagency coordination when they face complex situations such as warranting state legitimacy in territories militarily reclaimed. When two or more agencies decide to cooperate, they must establish certain mechanisms to coordinate their actions and to unite individual efforts towards the achievement of common goals. One of the main priorities of President Uribe’s Administration is the establishment of interagency coordination groups to complement the Democratic Security Policy with actions aimed at strengthening governance, legitimacy and citizens’ trust in the State, all this within the general framework of the territories’ overall social recovery.This article (i) presents a first approach to interagency coordination theories and describes some relevant international and national experiences; (ii) defines the legal basis and policy framework behind the coordinated civil-military interagency work done in Colombia; (iii) presents the work being done by the Centro de Coordinación de Acción Integral de la Presidencia de la República (Comprehensive Action Coordination Center of the Colombian President’s Office, CCAI) for the social recovery of the national territory, highlighting some breakthroughs in this field; and (iv) concludes with the assertion that security issues and social investment should not be mutually exclusive, that they have to go hand in hand, and that it is necessary to consolidate and warrant the sustainability of the work done so far.

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Este artículo intenta explorar las razones estratégicas y éticas de la preocupación de Canadá en el proceso de construcción de paz y el mejoramiento de la seguridad en los países del Tercer Mundo, especialmente en Colombia. La investigación sugiere que no solo la relación estratégica con los Estados Unidos sino también la necesidad de consolidar su liderazgo internacional, junto con sus preocupaciones liberales, sustentan la naturaleza de la agenda de seguridad de Canadá en estos países. Al explicar estas razones, el artículo esboza una estructura de análisis para construir una agenda bilateral de seguridad entre Canadá y Colombia.La investigación se enmarca en una perspectiva analítica y teórico-política particular. Aquella reconoce la importancia significativa de las “ideas” en los procesos de toma de decisión, así como la necesidad de paliar el enorme desconocimiento sobre las relaciones entre Colombia y Canadá a través de un sustento teórico. La influencia de las ideas en la construcción de la agenda de seguridad es explorada por medio de tres mapas de ruta, que pueden ayudar a coordinar los propósitos de ambos países en relación con la construcción de paz y de seguridad en Colombia. En primer lugar, los mapas de ruta más emblemáticos para explicar y prescribir la actuación internacional de los países del Primer Mundo, el realismo y el liberalismo, son evocados para entender las preocupaciones centrales de la seguridad nacional canadiense y su posición ética en el ámbito internacional. En segundo lugar, el mapa de ruta, que ha sido articulado por la literatura sobre la seguridad del Tercer Mundo, es planteado como una guía para organizar las principales preocupaciones en materia de seguridad en Colombia. Al reconocer que las amenazas que deben ser enfrentadas por el Estado colombiano, sus instituciones y su sociedad son típicas de un país en construcción, es posible entender la pertinencia de ciertas estrategias canadienses, sustentadas en concepciones amplias de seguridad, tales como la seguridad humana, que ha sido concebida justamente para tratar la naturaleza compleja de la seguridad del Tercer Mundo.-----This article attempts to explore the strategic and ethic reasons of Canada’s concern about the peace-building process and the security improvement in the Third World countries and, especially, in Colombia. Our research suggests that not only the strategic relation with the United States but also the necessity of strengthening its international leadership, along with its liberal concerns, support the nature of the Canada’s security agenda in these countries. By explaining these reasons, this document draws a potential framework for building a bilateral security agenda between Canada and Colombia.Our research is framed on a singular analytical, political and theoretical perspective. It recognizes the significant importance of the “ideas” for the decision-making process, as well as the necessity of reducing the huge ignorance on security relations between Colombia and Canada through a theoretical framework. The influence of the ideas in the building of the security agenda is explored taking into account three road maps, which could help to coordinate both countries’ purposes related to peace-building process and security improvement in Colombia. In the first place, the most emblematic road maps to explain and to prescribe the First World countries’ international behavior, realism and liberalism, are evocated to understand the main concerns of Canadian national security and its ethics stand in the international realm. In the second place, the road map, which has been articulated by the literature on Third World security, is shown as a guide for organizing the main security concerns in Colombia. By recognizing that the threats that must be faced by Colombian state, institutions and society are typical of a Third World country, it is possible to understand the appropriateness of certain Canadian strategies, which are supported on a broader security approach, such as human security, and that has fairly been considered for facing the complex nature of the Third World security.

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Se presenta una consideración conceptual y teórica sobre la ciudad-región y sus especificidades en el caso particular del Eje cafetero colombiano; se reflexiona sobre los procesos de metropolización en general y se llama la atención hacia los procesos metropolitanos de Pereira, Manizales y Armenia; se describe y se analiza la red de ciudades en el contexto de la ecorregión Eje Cafetero; se aportan consideraciones desde lo urbano-regional sobre el proyecto de ley orgánica de ordenamiento territorial; se sintetizan los principales progresos, limitaciones y retos en la construcción de esta ciudad-región y, por último, se ofrecen unas recomendaciones para fortalecer su proceso de construcción colectiva.-----A conceptual and theoretical consideration about the city region and its specifications are presented for the particular case of the Colombian Coffee Region; general metropolitan processes are carefully thought, and the attention is drawn over Pereira, Manizales and Armenia metropolitan dynamics; the city net is analyzed within coffee Eco-region context, considerations about territorial organization law project are given from the urban-regional point of view; main progresses, limitations and challenges from this City Region are summarized, and finally some recommendations are given in order to strengthen its collective construction process.

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En las últimas décadas el territorio y la ciudad se han constituido en asuntos de preocupación relevante para las distintas disciplinas y por lo tanto para la academia en general; sin embargo, su análisis ha sido parcial y sesgado a los enfoques propios de las profesiones. Las disciplinas, si bien han hecho importantes aportes para su abordaje, dejan entrever la ausencia de enfoques integrales que permitan una mejor comprensión sobre estos asuntos, complejos y dinámicos.En el presente análisis el territorio se asume como el contexto en el que se desarrollan las dinámicas, los procesos urbanos y las interacciones de estos con el entorno rural, mientras que la ciudad se constituye en el pretexto para la comprensión de la vida moderna de hoy y del futuro –ya que la aglomeración es un hecho cierto en el mundo– el cual se ha intensificado en los países en desarrollo, como es el caso colombiano.Este artículo plantea cuatro aspectos claves para abordar el tema de estudio: primero, la pertinencia de la temática; segundo, explora el contexto histórico sobre la ciudad y el proceso de urbanización; tercero, se esbozan los principales elementos de un enfoque integral para el análisis del territorio y la ciudad a partir de una triada –la noción de paradigma de Kuhn, la ecología social de Capra y la Equística– como método que permite integrar los aportes disciplinarios y transversales a dicho análisis; finalmente, se presenta una agenda preliminar de temas de investigación que contribuye a dinamizar el debate.-----The territory and the city in the last decades have been constituted in matters of outstanding concern for the different disciplines and therefore for the academy in general, however, their analysis has been partially and slanted to the focuses characteristic of the professions. These, the disciplines, although they have made important contributions for their boarding, they allow to see the absence of integral focuses that you/they allow a better understanding on these matters, complex and dynamic.Presently analysis, the territory is assumed as the context in which the dynamics and the urban processes and the interactions of these are developed with the rural environment, while the city is constituted in the pretext for the understanding of today’s modern life and of the future, since the mass is a certain fact in the world, which has been intensified in the developing countries, like it is the Colombian case.For the development of this thematic one, the article outlines four key aspects to approach the study topic: In the first place, the relevancy of the thematic one; the second it explores the historical context on the city and the urbanization process; in the third the main elements of an integral focus are sketched for the analysis of the territory and the city, starting from a triad: The notion of paradigm of Kuhn, the social ecology of Capra and the Equistica, as method that allows to integrate the disciplinary contributions and the traverse ones to this analysis and in fourth place, a preliminary calendar of investigation topics is presented that contributes to energize the debate.

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Como muchos otros barrios de Colombia, el barrio Nelson Mandela conformó un orden social en medio del vacío estatal, con unas regulaciones y normatividad creadas y sancionadas por grupos ilegales. Desde el barrio Nelson Mandela, este artículo rastrea actores, agentes y pobladores que explican unas redes y una fenomenología que abarca todo el departamento de Bolívar. La función que cumplió el paramilitarismo en esta región y la génesis de sus actores y apoyos se entienden desde distintas emociones y nociones que se expresan en esta investigación en la relación con las bases: venganza, lealtad, éxito y orden. La ausencia de justicia y sus ciclos de violencia y paranoia junto al referente de éxito, en medio de un empobrecimiento cultural, han mostrado en esta investigación que son un factor central que habilita el recurso humano para las mafias. Sin embargo, más importante aún ha sido observar que, en medio de una atormentada idea de orden, desde abajo, existe una capacidad de reproducir estructuras clientelista que instrumentalizan al actor armado para los asuntos comunitarios.

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The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories –war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.– do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state’s action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the rocess of state formation.