764 resultados para Free Trade Zones


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Los procesos de cambio que propiciaron la adopción del dólar como moneda única en el Ecuador, si bien fueron devastadores en la economía, dieron la oportunidad de establecer nuevas políticas a través de las cuales se logró la apertura de la economía nacional a lo que se denomina “globalización”, rigiéndose por el libre mercado, lo que obligar a revisar y modificar las legislaciones de los países que forman parte de esta libre economía y comercio para enmarcarlas dentro de los lineamientos actuales y evitar conflictos normativos y económicos al momento de realizar las transacciones. En el Ecuador la adopción del dólar significó la pérdida en la toma de decisiones de tipo monetario, sin embargo, no quedaron rezagadas las relaciones comerciales a nivel mundial, y se tomaron medidas para fortalecer el Servicio de Rentas Internas (SRI), mejorando las políticas y sistemas para evitar la evasión fiscal.

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El artículo realiza un análisis comparativo de los contenidos de los tratados de libre comercio (TLC) que la Unión Europea (UE) y Estados Unidos (EUA) firmaron recientemente con Colombia. Este análisis, que tiene lugar desde la clasificación “OMC-extra” y “OMC-plus”, permite concluir que se ha producido una norteamericanización parcial de la estrategia interregional europea en América Latina porque muestra similitudes importantes en cuanto a las disposiciones negociadas en ambos tratados. Sin embargo, dicha norteamericanización se revela parcial porque el tema de la integración regional es abordada con precisión en el TLC europeo.

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The gradualist approach to trade liberalization views the uniform tariffs implied by MFN status as an important step on the path to free trade. We investigate whether a regime of uniform tariffs will be preferable to discriminatory tariffs when countries engage in non-cooperative interaction in multilateral trade. The analysis includes product differentiation and asymmetric costs. We show that with the cost asymmetry the countries will disagree on the choice of tariff regime. When the choice of import tariffs and export subsidies is made sequentially the uniform tariff regime may not be sustainable, because of an incentive to deviate to a discriminatory regime. Hence, an international body is needed to ensure compliance with tariff agreement.

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This paper reviews the treatment of intellectual property rights in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and considers the welfare-theoretic bases for innovation transfer between member and nonmember states. Specifically, we consider the effects of new technology development from within the union and question whether it is efficient (in a welfare sense) to transfer that new technology to nonmember states. When the new technology contains stochastic components, the important issue of information exchange arises and we consider this question in a simple oligopoly model with Bayesian updating. In this context, it is natural to ask the optimal price at which such information should be transferred. Some simple, natural conjugate examples are used to motivate the key parameters upon which the answer is dependent

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As the European Union (EU) approaches its 60th anniversary, it is worth assessing progress towards a key objective – the abolition of barriers to the marketing of food in the EU. Food has always created particular problems for the EU as national differences in diets, culture and geography make standardisation impossible. Early attempts focussed on direct measures to harmonise requirements or, later, to create an ‘internal market’. Subsequently a changed emphasis brought about the need to focus more clearly on the harmonisation of food safety. More widely, the recent recognition that too much legislation can itself create barriers has led legislators to attempt to consider more carefully the impact of their efforts. This paper reflects on the various stages in the creation of harmonised food controls and considers how case law has impacted the process. Today there are still differences and complete barrier-free trade seems some way off.

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Two decades ago, Canada, Mexico, and the United States created a continental economy. The road to integration from the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement has not been a smooth one. Along the way, Mexico lived through a currency crisis, a democratic transition, and the rising challenge of Asian manufacturing. Canada stayed united despite surging Quebecois nationalism during the 1990s; since then, it has seen dramatic economic changes with the explosion of hydrocarbon production and a much stronger currency. The United States saw a stock-market bust, the shock of 9/11, and the near-collapse of its financial system. All of these events have transformed the relationships that emerged after NAFTA entered into force in 1994. Given the tremendous changes, one might be skeptical that the circumstances and details of the negotiation and ratification of NAFTA hold lessons for the future of North America. However, the road to NAFTA had its own difficulties, and many of the issues involved in the negotiations underpin today's challenges. NAFTA was conceived at a time of profound change in the international system. When Mexican leaders surveyed the world two decades ago, they saw emerging regional groupings in Europe, Asia, and South America. Faced with a lack of interest or compatibility, they instead doubled down on North America. How did Mexican leaders reconsider their national interests and redefine Mexico's role in the world in light of those transformations? Unpublished Mexican documents from SECOFI, the secretariate most involved in negotiating NAFTA, help illustrate Mexican thinking about its interests and role at that time. Combining those insights with analysis of newly available evidence from U.S. presidential archives, this paper sheds light on the negotiations that concluded two decades ago.

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We contrast Free Trade Areas involving Mercosul and the EU25, the US and China, respectively, using a new CGE model and associated database. Roughly, the China FTA lies halfway the other two, a bias towards the US pattern being suggested. When considering China a new Northern partner, protective deals don’t seem advisable. China’s advantages should prevail when facing the US or the EU: its need of capital goods, for instance, may open profitable cross-exchanges. China’s emergence can be a positive factor, if placed in an enlarged policy space where, together with its Asian neighbours, it counter-balances the US-EU polarity.

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The main subject of this study is the analysis of negotiations. The study was developed based on the scenery of paralization and impasse of the negotiations for the Free Trade Area of the Americas - FTAA. Generally speaking, delays and interruptions caused by controversies and impasses end up becoming strong efficiency problems which jeopardize the consensus building during any negotiation. As a justification, the target of this study is to identify processes and recommendations to help obtain, efficiently, agreements in the negotiations. Its final objective was to search for theoretical tools and techniques to be applied in situations of stoppage in a sense of eliminating the difficulties or making them at least easier to deal with. Secondarily other theoretical points of view were considered with the intention of understanding how strategies and theoretical tools can contribute in each situation or in each different scenario of the negotiation. Through the different ways of looking at it for the conduction of the negotiations, for evaluating the dimensions of the negotiations and in order to build up the consensus, the researcher was able to understand the perception and the interpretation of the subject in view. At last the conclusion was that the applicability of the chosen framework is positive in helping solve problems and controversies as well as building up the consensus during the negotiations.

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Este trabalho mostra que o fomento de clusters na área de produtos regIOnaIS - particularmente compostos por empresas de micro, pequeno e médio porte - representa uma estratégia alternativa econômica futura para a Zona Franca de Manaus - ZFM e o resto da Amazônia Ocidental. Além dos fundamentos teóricos relacionados aos clusters e pólos de desenvolvimento, o estudo baseou-se também nas evidências empíricas de quatro empresas de Manaus que operam com produtos regionais amazônicos. A pesquisa detecta a formação inicial de um cluster na área de produtos regionais que necessita de uma interação maior entre todos os agentes locais, a fim de ser operacionalizado. Conclui que estratégias econômicas para exploração das potencialidades regionais podem levar ao desenvolvimento de clusters de indústrias baseada na biodiversidade da região que usará matéria-prima local e conhecimento. Desta maneira, as estratégias de desenvolvimento sustentado podem trazer de volta muitos beneficios à região Amazônica e contribuir para a diversificação da atual base industrial da ZFM.

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A década de 90 representou significativas mudanças no panorama político econômico brasileiro, especificamente no projeto de desenvolvimento regional denominado Zona Franca de Manaus. Esse projeto foi concebido, primordialmente para integrar essa imensa região Amazônica ao restante do Brasil, em termos de complexa ordem geopolítica dominante nos anos 60. A análise que objetiva essa dissertação trata da evolução do emprego industrial no Pólo Industrial de Manaus na década de 90, com a conotação de expectativas, resultados e possibilidades. A implementação do projeto Zona Franca de Manaus, no que concerne seu Pólo Industrial permitiu que contingentes de mão-de-obra abundante na capital do Estado do Amazonas, tivesse a oportunidade de inserir-se no mercado de trabalho do processo de industrialização moderna. Todavia, essa mão-de-obra abundante não estava preparada para o que as indústrias demandavam, sendo necessários intensivos programas de adequação profissional para que possibilitasse o aproveitamento em processos produtivos de linhas de montagem. o Pólo Industrial de Manaus, apesar de todas as mudanças havidas na economia brasileira no período analisado, obteve significativos alcance de competências na capacitação desse contingente de trabalhadores que foram absorvidos, quando o paradigma da intensividade do fator trabalho imperava no Pólo. Entretanto, o processo de mudança que a globalização econômica e industrial provocou no sistema de produção global, trouxe para o modelo industrial da Zona Franca de Manaus acelerada mudança desse paradigma, resultando variações na demanda por mão-de-obra e acarretando significativo desemprego estrutural. É desse contexto de mudanças que trata o estudo apresentado, analisando a evolução das variáveis que influenciaram no nível de emprego industrial e no mercado de trabalho, as expectativas de novos perfis e as demandas específicas que o novo paradigma de capital intensivo, adotado pelas empresas de classe mundial desse Pólo exigem.

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Trata-se de um estudo sobre a cultura organizacional em uma empresa coreana, a Samsung Eletrônica Amazônia S.A,. afiliada da Samsung Corporation, implantada no Distrito Industrial de Manaus, Estado do Amazonas, a partir de 1986, atraída pelos incentivos da Zona Franca de Manaus. A partir de uma pesquisa extensa, realizada em junho de 2001, pelo Setor de Recursos Humanos da empresa, foram selecionadas vinte e seis matrizes cujos resultados comprov_ lm a principal hipótese do trabalho: a de que a cultura da empresa pode ser a responsável pelos problemas existentes em sua área de produção, interferindo na qualidade de seus produtos. Das conclusões da pesquisa, portanto, infere-se que os dirigentes da empresa, todos coreanos, entram em choque com a cultura dos empregados na linha de produção, todos de naturalidade amazonense. Assim, os problemas entre essas duas culturas interferem negativamente em todos os indicadores da pesquisa, a saber: identidade, comunicação, liderança, percepção e interação.

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O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a economia política da Área de Livre Comércio das Américas a partir de um jogo político seqüencial não-cooperativo de Stackelberg entre uma grande economia e uma pequena economia, onde a disputa política entre grupos lobistas rivais define as preferências unilaterais dos governos no primeiro estágio e o equilíbrio "coalition-proof" de Stackelberg define o formato do acordo de livre comércio no segundo estágio. Finalmente, discutese algumas modificações na estrutura inicial do jogo que possam aumentar o poder de negociação da pequena economia.

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This paper analyses the equilibrium structure of protection in Mercosul, developing empirical analyses based on the literature ensuing from the sequence of models set forth by Grossman and Helpman since 1994. Not only Mercosul’s common external tariff (CET) may be explained under a political economy perspective, but the existence of deviations, both at the level of the external tariffs and at that of the internal ones, make it interesting to contrast several structures under this approach. Different general equilibrium frameworks, in which governments are concerned with campaign contributions and with the welfare of the average voter, while organized special-interest groups care only about the welfare of their members, are used as the theoretical basis of the empirical tests. We build a single equation for explaining the CET and two fourequations systems (one equation for each member) for explaining deviations from the CET and from the internal free trade between members. The results (at the two-digit level) shed an interesting light on the sectoral dynamics of protection in each country; notably, Brazil seems to fit in better in the model framework, followed by Uruguay. In the case of the CET, and of deviations from it, the interaction between the domestic lobbies in the four countries plays a major role. There is also suggestion that the lobby structure that bid for deviations, be they internal or external, differs from the one which bid for the CET.

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Recent research has underlined the efficiency of the GATT/WTO rules from the standpoint of politically motivated governments, emphasizing that the current multilateral rules are capable of delivering a politically efficient equilibrium. Such an equilibrium is, however, economically inef- ficient. Global free trade, in particular, is generally unattainable even in a fully cooperative world, provided that governments have distributive motivations. In such a context, we show that regional trade agreements can help move the world towards a welfare superior equilibrium. The reason is that, as members of regional trade agreements lower trade barriers against one another, they are induced to reduce their multilateral tariffs as well. Once we account for these endogenous changes–and only then–we find that regionalism can raise world welfare even in a fully cooperative (but political) world. We also find, however, that members are likely to gain "too much" from regional integration, thereby harming outsiders.

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Peru agricultural exports have increased in recent years due to (i) free trade agreements with many countries (United States, Canada, European Union, China, Thailand, Singapore, Japan, Chile, among others), (ii) an increasing international demand for healthy products, (iii) country´s economic development and (iv) more private investments in this sector (Velazco 2012). Also, if we can compare among Peru three main regions (Coast, Andean highlands and the Jungle), It is the Coast (western region) that has a developed agricultural production due to unique weather conditions, private investments, public infrastructure, transport costs and quality of land (Gomez, 2008). This country development is also related to the production of non-traditional products for export like asparagus, artichokes, capsicums, bananas, grapes, among others; produced by agro industrial companies and small farmers and that are mainly labor intensive (Gomez, 2008 and Velazco, 2012). This very successful export diversification and self-discovery process was the result of a combination of strong natural comparative advantages (mainly excellent agro climatic conditions) and a significant innovation effort. It meant the introduction and expansion of new products and markets, the entry of new firms, and experimental research and the adoption of new techniques and process technologies developed abroad (in irrigation, crop management, post-harvesting, sanitary control, storage and packing) to produce high-quality, niche (gourmet) and higher value-added products, in line with consumer trends in sophisticated food markets. In products such as asparagus, mango, organic coffee and capsicums, Peru has become a leading world exporter (OECD). For this reason one of the government main tasks for the next years is to meet urgent agriculture producer’s needs in the areas of technological Innovation and business management (MINAG). In this context, this thesis analyzes the applicability of a new technology – the mechatronic arms – specifically to capsicums production sector in Peru. We chose Capsicums production sector (paprika, chilli pepper) because is mainly labor intensive and is the sector where my family company (DIROSE SAC) operates. This innovation consists in a 40 arms mechatronic combine, and it was first created in order to improve the efficiency on the labor intensive phase of harvest for this kind of agriculture products. It is estimated that a laborer with brief training operating the machine would be equivalent to 40 people that not only would work during daytime, but also on the night shift as well. Also, using this new technology can allow a company to make additional crops that would increase their yields and annual revenues. This thesis was developed as a business plan to make this new product available for other agriculture companies that operates in the capsicums production sector in Peru; however, this new technology has the potential to be modified in order to be available to other kind of agriculture products, in Peru and other countries.