Resiliencia organizacional y capital psicológico

Desde la noción universal sobre la empresa como un sistema de interacción con un entorno determinado para alcanzar un objetivo, de manera planificada y en función de satisfacer las demandas de un mercado mediante la actividad económica, su viabilidad, sostenibilidad y crecimiento dependerán, por supuesto, de una serie de estrategias adecuadas no solo para tales fines, sino también para enfrentar diversidad de agentes endógenos y exógenos que puedan afectar el normal desempeño de su gestión. Estamos hablando de la importancia de la resiliencia organizacional y del Capital Psicológico. En un escenario tan impredecible como el de la economía mundial, donde la constante son los cambios en su comportamiento —unos propios de su dinámica e interdependencia, naturales de fenómenos como la globalización, y otros derivados de eventos disruptivos— hoy más que nunca es necesario implementar el modelo de la empresa resiliente, que es aquella entidad capaz de adaptarse y recuperarse frente a una perturbación. Al mismo tiempo, más allá de su tamaño, naturaleza u objeto social, es indispensable reconocer básicamente que toda organización está constituida por personas, lo cual implica la trascendencia que para su funcionamiento tiene el factor humano-dependiente, y por lo tanto se crea la necesidad de promover el Capital Psicológico y la resiliencia a nivel de las organizaciones a través de una cultura empresarial.

El uso de las redes sociales en la campaña presidencial de Clara López Obregón en 2014

El presente estudio de caso plantea la descripción detallada del uso de las redes sociales en la campaña presidencial de Clara López. En este documento se analiza la labor desempeñada en las redes sociales como un papel de interacción y comunicación directa con el electorado y su alcance en función de la estrategia comunicativa y publicitaria. Para ello se describe el contexto en el que se desarrolló la campaña, sus fases, la organización de la oficina de comunicación digital y el trabajo desarrollado en cada uno de los campos digitales y así generar unos elementos de conclusión sobre el resultado del uso de estas herramientas, lo que puede ser útil para comprender el papel de las redes sociales en los procesos políticos, especialmente en las campañas electorales.

La securitización de la migración internacional: percepción de la UE sobre el flujo de rumanos hacia el Reino Unido 2007-2014

Actualmente, el concepto de seguridad ha logrado expandirse hacia la inclusión de amenazas no tradicionales. En este contexto, el fenómeno de la migración internacional empieza a hacer parte de la agenda de algunos gobiernos, entendiéndose como un asunto que amenaza la seguridad del Estado. El interés de esta monografía gira en torno a examinar el discurso securitizador del Reino Unido sobre la inmigración rumana entre 2007-2014, con el fin de determinar la incidencia que este ha tenido en la percepción de la migración internacional como un asunto de seguridad en la UE. Al entender el discurso del Reino Unido a la luz de la teoría de securitización e incluir el análisis de la opinión pública europea, se observa que, si bien el discurso ha influido en el contexto doméstico, éste ha tenido una baja incidencia en la percepción de la migración internacional como un asunto de seguridad en la UE.

An agenda for the European Council: feasible steps to bring the eurozone back from the precipice. CEPS Policy Brief No. 274, 20 June 2012

In the run-up to the emergency European Council meeting at the end of June, Stefano Micossi outlines in this Policy Brief the main elements of a realistic and yet incisive policy package, capable of reassuring financial markets and a bewildered public opinion. It is more than Germany has been willing to accept so far but much less than many of the demands it will confront at the Council meeting. More importantly, it only requires a minimum of additional disbursements by the member states, while strengthening risk-sharing for sovereign and banking risks.

Technological change and the challenges for regional development: building social capital in less-favoured regions

The relevance of regional policy for less favoured regions (LFRs) reveals itself when policy-makers must reconcile competitiveness with social cohesion through the adaptation of competition or innovation policies. The vast literature in this area generally builds on an overarching concept of ‘social capital’ as the necessary relational infrastructure for collective action diversification and policy integration, in a context much influenced by a dynamic of industrial change and a necessary balance between the creation and diffusion of ‘knowledge’ through learning. This relational infrastructure or ‘social capital’ is centred on people’s willingness to cooperate and ‘envision’ futures as a result of “social organization, such as networks, norms and trust that facilitate action and cooperation for mutual benefit” (Putnam, 1993: 35). Advocates of this interpretation of ‘social capital’ have adopted the ‘new growth’ thinking behind ‘systems of innovation’ and ‘competence building’, arguing that networks have the potential to make both public administration and markets more effective as well as ‘learning’ trajectories more inclusive of the development of society as a whole. This essay aims to better understand the role of ‘social capital’ in the production and reproduction of uneven regional development patterns, and to critically assess the limits of a ‘systems concept’ and an institution-centred approach to comparative studies of regional innovation. These aims are discussed in light of the following two assertions: i) learning behaviour, from an economic point of view, has its determinants, and ii) the positive economic outcomes of ‘social capital’ cannot be taken as a given. It is suggested that an agent-centred approach to comparative research best addresses the ‘learning’ determinants and the consequences of social networks on regional development patterns. A brief discussion of the current debate on innovation surveys has been provided to illustrate this point.

The game of contacts: Estimating the social visibility of groups

Estimating the sizes of hard-to-count populations is a challenging and important problem that occurs frequently in social science, public health, and public policy. This problem is particularly pressing in HIV/AIDS research because estimates of the sizes of the most at-risk populations-illicit drug users, men who have sex with men, and sex workers-are needed for designing, evaluating, and funding programs to curb the spread of the disease. A promising new approach in this area is the network scale-up method, which uses information about the personal networks of respondents to make population size estimates. However, if the target population has low social visibility, as is likely to be the case in HIV/AIDS research, scale-up estimates will be too low. In this paper we develop a game-like activity that we call the game of contacts in order to estimate the social visibility of groups, and report results from a study of heavy drug users in Curitiba, Brazil (n = 294). The game produced estimates of social visibility that were consistent with qualitative expectations but of surprising magnitude. Further, a number of checks suggest that the data are high-quality. While motivated by the specific problem of population size estimation, our method could be used by researchers more broadly and adds to long-standing efforts to combine the richness of social network analysis with the power and scale of sample surveys. (C) 2010 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Öppna arenor och slutna rum : några kommunikationskonsulter i Dalarna ser på opinionsbildning

Syftet med denna uppsats är att ta reda på hur lokala kommunikationskonsulter i Falun/Borlänge-regionen ser på opinionsbildning via professionella konsulter. De centrala begrepp som avhandlas är PR, opinionsbildning och lobbying.Den teoretiska ram som omger undersökningen består av de teoribyggen som skapats av Jürgen Habermas, James E. Grunig och Larsåke Larsson. Habermas ställer sig tveksam till den demokratiska nyttan av professionell opinionsbildning, Grunig är mer positiv och Larsson ser både för- och nackdelar med PR-verksamheten. Larssons undersökning av opinionskonsulter från 2005 refereras också.Undersökningen bygger på intervjuer med ett antal kommunikationskonsulter verksamma i Falun och Borlänge. Den lokala marknaden för opinionsbildande uppdrag diskuteras, men också huruvida politiska uppdrag förser byråerna med politisk färg. Huruvida medarbetarnas engagemang är viktigt och hur hög statusen på opinionsbildande uppdrag är ventileras, samt vilka arbetsmetoder som används. Intervjuerna behandlar också förekomsten av lobbying på lokal nivå. Till slut redogör de intervjuade för sin syn på hur opinionsbildning, PR och lobbying via konsulter påverkar demokratin.Under slutsatser diskuteras resultatet i relation till den teoretiska ramen. Att PR- och reklambranscherna alltmer växer samman och att opinionsbildning är ett vanligt inslag i många projekt är ett faktum som också skymtat fram i den teoretiska ramen. Men reklam- och PR-metoder integreras också i politiken, på gott och ont. Följaktligen växer den gråzon som finns mellan de olika typerna av kommunikation och mellan opinionsbildande och icke-opinionsbildande uppdrag. Det försvårar gränsdragning och tydlighet, men skapar nya kreativa möjligheter.Att den ökade användningen av kommunikationskonsulter kanske kan bidra till en orättvis fördel för resursstarka organisationer diskuteras. Ny teknik, t.ex. Internet, kan dock eventuellt vara den motvikt som gör det möjligt även för resurssvaga grupper att höras i det offentliga samtalet. Kommunikation som maktfaktor tas även upp utifrån termer som lobbying och medias dagordningsfunktion.Några aspekter av den outnyttjade potential som PR har ventileras också. PR som metod är en outnyttjad resurs på det lokala planet, något som kan bero både på okunskap hos de lokala kunderna och ett traditionellt arbetssätt hos byråerna. Utifrån intervjusvaren framkommer att både byråerna, deras kunder och media på landsorten skulle gynnas av ett större samarbete.Resultaten av intervjuerna stöder mycket i den teoretiska ramen, medan somligt förkastas. Som sammanfattning kan sägas att opinionsbildning via konsulter kan användas för både gott och ont. Vilket som blir resultatet handlar som oftast om etik, ansvar, öppenhet och professionalitet.ABSTRACTThe primary target for this report is to find out how communication consultants in the region of Falun and Borlänge views the practice of establishing public opinions by using professional public relations consultants. The concepts in focus are PR, the moulding of public opinion and lobbying.The theoretical framework surrounding this report is the writings by Jürgen Habermas, James E. Grunig and Larsåke Larsson. Habermas has doubts as to the democratic use of professional consultants working with public opinions, Grunig has a somewhat more positive approach and Larsson sees both advantages and disadvantages in a democratic sense with the PR industry. Larssons research concerning consultants working with the moulding of public opinions from 2005 is also reviewed. The research is carried out by interviewing some communication consultants working in the Falun /Borlänge- area. The local market for commissions concerning public opinions is discussed, but also if and how political commissions are forcing a political stamp upon the firms engaging in such commissions. The importance of personal commitment in the consultants and the level of prominence commissions concerning public opinion has in the business is discussed, but also which methods is used and preferred. The interviews also deal with the practice of lobbying in the local arena. Finally the participants state their views on how the moulding of public opinion, PR and lobbying effects the democracy. Conclusively, the result is put in relation to the theories earlier mentioned. The public relations market is merging with the advertising business, that is a fact, and establishing public opinion is a common element in a lot of projects. But methods used for advertising and PR are also integrated in the political sphere, for good and bad. That has made the distinction between different kinds of communication harder, thereby enhancing the difficulties of establishing boundaries and achieving clarity. Yet at the same time it facilitates new creative opportunities.The growing use of communication consultants may contribute to unfair advantages for organisations with large economic resources. New technical development though, such as the Internet for example, may prove to simplify communication for groups with lesser economic power. Communication as an aspect of power is being discussed in terms of lobbying and the agenda setting power of media.Some aspects of the unused potential that lies within PR are also in focus in this report. PR as a method is an unused resource in the local market, which can be due to the local clients lack of knowledge but also to the traditional work carried out by the communication firms. The findings of the interviews show that both communication firms, their clients and the local media would benefit from greater cooperation.The theoretical base in this work is mostly supported by the interviews, though a few of the findings does not agree. The moulding of public opinions by professional consultants can be used for both good and bad. What the result will be is, not surprisingly, a question of ethics, responsibility, openness and professionalism.

Of Facebook, Twitter and Social Networking Sites

For those who have read even one of my musings, it will come as no surprise that I find Facebook, Twitter, social networking sites (SNS), and the rest of Webology less than inspiring. If you had read nothing other than the screed I blathered about Google a few columns back, you’d know that I find all this talk about the Web replacing libraries more than a little silly; I find it downright idiotic. Still, one must keep an open mind.

Financiamento para o subdesenvolvimento, o Brasil e o segundo consenso de Washington

While in the social and in the ethical realms the Cardoso administration was successful, its economic outcomes were frustrating. In this administration’s eight years the investment rate did not increase and income per capita growth lagged, while the public debt and the foreign debt increased substantially. This poor economic performance may be explained by three chained causes: a mistake in agenda setting, the adoption of the Second Washington Consensus, and the alienation of elites. The decision of setting high inflation as the major problem to be tackled instead of achieving equilibrium in foreign accounts represented a major macroeconomic mistake, which can be explained by the Second Washington Consensus. This consensus proposed in the 1990s that highly indebted countries should grow counting on foreign savings, although this is not the experience among OECD countries. The outcome was to evaluate the real, to increase artificially wages and consumption, so that instead of growth what we have been increased indebtedness. Why this flopped strategy was adopted? Rich countries’ interests are not difficult to guess. On the part of Brazil, the only explanation is Brazilian elites’ alienation in relation to the country’s national interest. As a final outcome, the Cardoso administration ends with another balance of payments crisis, which was empowered by the coming presidential elections. Yet, the solvency situation of the Brazilian economy have been improving since the 1999 successful floatation of the real, so that I believe that, adopted a policy that deepens fiscal adjustment, while lowers the interest rate, and avoids new evaluation of the real, the country will eventually be able to avoid default.

Formação de agenda e processo decisório nos governos FHC e Lula: uma análise sobre a dinâmica e as oportunidades de negociação no processo de tomada de decisão do setor elétrico

O objetivo principal desta tese é analisar as particularidades de dois processos decisórios relacionados a políticas públicas do governo federal brasileiro, a saber, a formação de agenda e as escolhas de alternativas. Tais particularidades do processo decisório caracterizam-se por limitar, em um primeiro momento, o leque de temas que potencialmente poderiam ocupar um lugar de destaque frente aos governantes e, em seguida, por selecionar as alternativas viáveis de serem implementadas pelo poder público. Dessa maneira, serão objetos desta tese a compreensão do por que apenas determinados temas fazem parte da agenda de um governo e qual o grau de influência dos atores sociopolíticos sobre o processo de escolha de alternativas, de tal forma que algumas são seriamente consideradas enquanto outras são negligenciadas. Para analisar as particularidades dos processos decisórios foram feitas análises sobre dois casos do setor elétrico: a expansão da geração de energia elétrica durante o período que antecedeu a crise de 2001 e a criação de um novo modelo para o setor, nos anos de 2003 e 2004. Esta tese traz como hipótese que aspectos centrais de uma política não são alterados enquanto a coalizão dominante que a instituiu estiver no poder ¿ ainda que aspectos secundários possam vir a ser alterados durante esse período.

Conselhos municipais como canal de participaçãp pública: desafios para populações rurais na Amazônia: um estudo de caso sobre Juruti-PA.

Parte do processo de descentralização iniciado no Brasil no fim da década de 1980, o movimento por uma maior permeabilidade do Estado resultou na definição de Conselhos Gestores de Políticas como peças centrais para as políticas sociais em todo o país. No entanto, a heterogeneidade brasileira de proporções continentais solicita a adequação e o ajuste de políticas públicas e instituições para responderem àsdiversas realidades locais. Este trabalho foi realizado a partir de um estudo de caso exploratório que busca responder sobre o alcance dos Conselhos como arena para discussão, encaminhamento de demandas e solução de problemas da população que habita o espaço considerado “rural” de Juruti, município amazônico repleto de especificidades e desafios comuns à região. Assim, apesar de observarmos a existência de grupos, associações e espaços similares nas comunidades para discutir necessidades e endereçar as demandas por meio da atuação engajada de lideranças locais de diversos perfis, o que se percebe é que muitos desconhecem caminhos já institucionalizados (como os Conselhos Municipais) para encaminhar suas demandas. Com um movimento alheio aos espaços legalmente constituídos, as comunidades perdem a oportunidade de participar mais ativamente da formação de agenda do município, além de ficarem de fora dos mecanismos de controle social e acesso a recursos públicos. A realização de suas demandas se transforma em moeda de troca em vez de direitos reivindicados satisfeitos, se transforma em conquistas que perdem o papel simbólico no fortalecimento organizativo das comunidades.Em uma realidade rural amazônica como Juruti, parece fundamental discutir o chamado “trabalho de base”, o que implica em considerar variáveis de extrema relevância de custo e tempo de deslocamento, além da necessária regionalização dos interesses e demandas. Percebe-se imprescindível também a rediscussão sobre os parâmetros para a definição do “rural” no país, de forma a incluir os diversos Brasis e viabilizar diagnósticos que possibilitem que particularidades como as amazônicas se reflitam em políticas públicas, em modelos de gestão municipal e em espaços participativos adequados, que dialoguem com o local.

Domestic violence in Brazil: social problems and legislative interventions

Recent statistical data confirms that domestic violence is a structural problem of exceptional gravity. We analyze the frequent legislative changes in Brazil since 2000 as a result of social pressure for protection of abused women. Only the Law 11.340 of 2006 was well received by lawyers, judges and the public opinion. We present the innovations and peculiarities of this statute and the allegations on unconstitutionality. We discuss cases of judicial review of this law and reject the arguments of unconstitutionality. That notwithstanding, we argue that penalization decisions is the wrong way from a criminological point of view because they do not take into consideration the desires and needs of the victims.

Custo social de oportunidade na trajetória de acesso ao ensino superior: o caso dos ingressantes na UFRN nos vestibulares de 2006 a 2010

Access is a problem of higher education in Brazil that has existed since the formalization of this has occurred since the installation of the Portuguese court in Brazil in 1808. Only 10% of young people between 18 and 24 years of age attending this level of education in 2000, arriving in 2010 just 15%, far from that determined the National Education Plan in 2001, triple that percentage by the year 2010. In addition, a majority of seats of public HEIs is populated by students from the private network, especially in high-demand courses. In this context, this study aims to identify the costs related to the trajectories of students who were successful in the vestibular UFRN editions from 2006 to 2010. Presents an overview of higher education in Brazil, a brief history of vestibular, as well as new forms of access, and some of the policies to expand such access, highlighting the argument Inclusion UFRN. Focusing on the theme of the paper presents the concepts of opportunity costs and social. After collecting data through a questionnaire and consultation of databases COMPERVE was developed to search for a descriptive and analytical, with the participation of 3,995 students, of whom 1642 (41.1%) had completed secondary education in schools public, and 2,078 (52%) in private schools. The profile indicates that 90% are single, about 50% are 21 years of age, are white and female. In the course of preparation for college entrance exams, 80% chose the course during or after completion of the last year of high school, and almost 70% said they had started preparing at that time. Findings related to the costs involved with this preparation indicate that, in most cases there were school fees and disbursements and workshops, and the purchase of books and other materials, with parents primarily responsible for this cost, the amount disbursed each month was up $ 300 for 64% of respondents and only 7% of them exceeded $ 1,000, the major non-financial costs were characterized by the following resignations: job opportunities (24%) or temporary work (20%) courses of languages (26%), leisure activities (48%), leisure travel (43%), and parties and / or shows (54%). Of social investments by the government, stand out in the tax waiver scholarships for study in private institutions, grant exemption from the registration fee of vestibular, the preparatory courses UFRN, and seminars by COMPERVE / UFRN with networks of high school. From the junction of the opportunity costs (private costs) and social costs (public costs), a new concept: the social opportunity cost, which measures the combined efforts of families and government to finance the opportunity to access higher education of an individual. This concept can and should be incorporated as a strategic vector for the sake of democratic university, which reflects the social model that is sought