937 resultados para Political Representation
Resumo:
Human trafficking as a global phenomenon continues to elude accurate quantitative measure, and remains a controversial policy domain significantly influenced by anecdotal evidence. Drawing on the policy analysis framework of Bacchi (1999; 2007) the problem representation of trafficking through narratives can be considered a direct antecedent of contemporary anti-human trafficking policy. This article explores the construction of human trafficking within the Trafficking in Persons Reports, published annually by the United States of America’s Department of State. An examination of the victim and offender narratives contained within the reports published between 2001 and 2012 demonstrates that human trafficking is predominantly represented as a crime committed by ideal offenders against idealized victims, consistent with Christie’s (1986) landmark criteria of ideal victimization. This representation of an ideal prototype has the potential to inform policy that diverts focus from the causative role of global socioeconomic injustice towards criminal justice policies targeting individual offenders.
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An axis-parallel k-dimensional box is a Cartesian product R-1 x R-2 x...x R-k where R-i (for 1 <= i <= k) is a closed interval of the form [a(i), b(i)] on the real line. For a graph G, its boxicity box(G) is the minimum dimension k, such that G is representable as the intersection graph of (axis-parallel) boxes in k-dimensional space. The concept of boxicity finds applications in various areas such as ecology, operations research etc. A number of NP-hard problems are either polynomial time solvable or have much better approximation ratio on low boxicity graphs. For example, the max-clique problem is polynomial time solvable on bounded boxicity graphs and the maximum independent set problem for boxicity d graphs, given a box representation, has a left perpendicular1 + 1/c log n right perpendicular(d-1) approximation ratio for any constant c >= 1 when d >= 2. In most cases, the first step usually is computing a low dimensional box representation of the given graph. Deciding whether the boxicity of a graph is at most 2 itself is NP-hard. We give an efficient randomized algorithm to construct a box representation of any graph G on n vertices in left perpendicular(Delta + 2) ln nright perpendicular dimensions, where Delta is the maximum degree of G. This algorithm implies that box(G) <= left perpendicular(Delta + 2) ln nright perpendicular for any graph G. Our bound is tight up to a factor of ln n. We also show that our randomized algorithm can be derandomized to get a polynomial time deterministic algorithm. Though our general upper bound is in terms of maximum degree Delta, we show that for almost all graphs on n vertices, their boxicity is O(d(av) ln n) where d(av) is the average degree.
Scopophobia/Scopophilia: electric light and the anxiety of the gaze in postwar American architecture
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In the years of reconstruction and economic boom that followed the Second World War, the domestic sphere encountered new expectations regarding social behaviour, modes of living, and forms of dwelling. This book brings together an international group of scholars from architecture, design, urban planning, and interior design to reappraise mid-twentieth century modern life, offering a timely reassessment of culture and the economic and political effects on civilian life. This collection contains essays that examine the material of art, objects, and spaces in the context of practices of dwelling over the long span of the postwar period. It asks what role material objects, interior spaces, and architecture played in quelling or fanning the anxieties of modernism’s ordinary denizens, and how this role informs their legacy today. Table of Contents [Book] Introduction Robin Schuldenfrei Part 1: Psychological Constructions: Anxiety of Isolation and Exposure 1. Taking Comfort in the Age of Anxiety: Eero Saarinen’s Womb Chair Cammie McAtee 2. The Future is Possibly Past: The Anxious Spaces of Gaetano Pesce Jane Pavitt 3. Scopophobia/Scopophilia: Electric Light and the Anxiety of the Gaze in American Postwar Domestic Architecture Margaret Petty Part 2: Ideological Objects: Design and Representation 4. The Allegory of the Socialist Lifestyle: The Czechoslovak Pavilion at the Brussels Expo, its Gold Medal and the Politburo Ana Miljacki 5. Assimilating Unease: Moholy-Nagy and the Wartime-Postwar Bauhaus in Chicago Robin Schuldenfrei 6. The Anxieties of Autonomy: Peter Eisenman from Cambridge to House VI Sean Keller Part 3: Societies of Consumers: Materialist Ideologies and Postwar Goods 7. "But a home is not a laboratory": The Anxieties of Designing for the Socialist Home in the German Democratic Republic 1950—1965 Katharina Pfützner 8. Architect-designed Interiors for a Culturally Progressive Upper-Middle Class: The Implicit Political Presence of Knoll International in Belgium Fredie Floré 9. Domestic Environment: Italian Neo-Avant-Garde Design and the Politics of Post-Materialism Mary Louise Lobsinger Part 4: Class Concerns and Conflict: Dwelling and Politics 10. Dirt and Disorder: Taste and Anxiety in the Working Class Home Christine Atha 11. Upper West Side Stories: Race, Liberalism, and Narratives of Urban Renewal in Postwar New York Jennifer Hock 12. Pawns or Prophets? Postwar Architects and Utopian Designs for Southern Italy Anne Parmly Toxey. Coda: From Homelessness to Homelessness David Crowley
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Communication and Political Crisis explores the role of the global media in a period of intensifying geopolitical conflict. Through case studies drawn from domestic and international political crises such as the conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine, leading media scholar Brian McNair argues that the digitized, globalized public sphere now confronted by all political actors has produced new opportunities for social progress and democratic reform, as well as new channels for state propaganda and terrorist spectaculars such as those performed by the Islamic State and Al Qaeda. In this major work, McNair argues that the role of digital communication will be crucial in determining the outcome of pressing global issues such as the future of feminism and gay rights, freedom of speech and media, and democracy itself.
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This study views each protein structure as a network of noncovalent connections between amino acid side chains. Each amino acid in a protein structure is a node, and the strength of the noncovalent interactions between two amino acids is evaluated for edge determination. The protein structure graphs (PSGs) for 232 proteins have been constructed as a function of the cutoff of the amino acid interaction strength at a few carefully chosen values. Analysis of such PSGs constructed on the basis of edge weights has shown the following: 1), The PSGs exhibit a complex topological network behavior, which is dependent on the interaction cutoff chosen for PSG construction. 2), A transition is observed at a critical interaction cutoff, in all the proteins, as monitored by the size of the largest cluster (giant component) in the graph. Amazingly, this transition occurs within a narrow range of interaction cutoff for all the proteins, irrespective of the size or the fold topology. And 3), the amino acid preferences to be highly connected (hub frequency) have been evaluated as a function of the interaction cutoff. We observe that the aromatic residues along with arginine, histidine, and methionine act as strong hubs at high interaction cutoffs, whereas the hydrophobic leucine and isoleucine residues get added to these hubs at low interaction cutoffs, forming weak hubs. The hubs identified are found to play a role in bringing together different secondary structural elements in the tertiary structure of the proteins. They are also found to contribute to the additional stability of the thermophilic proteins when compared to their mesophilic counterparts and hence could be crucial for the folding and stability of the unique three-dimensional structure of proteins. Based on these results, we also predict a few residues in the thermophilic and mesophilic proteins that can be mutated to alter their thermal stability.
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The economic, political and social face of Europe has been changing rapidly in the past decades. These changes are unique in the history of Europe, but not without challenges for the nation states. The support for the European integration varies among the countries. In order to understand why certain developments or changes are perceived as threatening or as desired by different member countries, we must consider the social representations of the European integration on the national level: how the EU is represented to its citizens in media and in educational systems, particularly in the curricula and textbooks. The current study is concerned with the social representations of the European integration in the curricula and school textbooks in five European countries: France, Britain, Germany, Finland and Sweden. Besides that, the first volume of the common Franco-German history textbook was analyzed, since it has been seen as a model for a common European history textbook. As the collective representations, values and identities are dominantly mediated and imposed through media and educational systems, the national curricula and textbooks make an interesting starting point for the study of the European integration and of national and European identities. The social representations theory provides a comprehensive framework for the study of the European integration. By analyzing the curricula and history and civics textbooks of major educational publishers, the study aimed to demonstrate what is written on the European integration and how it is portrayed how the European integration is understood, made familiar and concretized in the educational context in the five European countries. To grasp the phenomenon of the European integration in the textbooks in its entirety, it was investigated from various perspectives. The two analysis methods of content analysis, the automatic analysis with ALCESTE and a more qualitative theory-driven content analysis, were carried out to give a more vivid and multifaceted picture of the object of the research. The analysis of the text was complemented with the analysis of visual material. Drawing on quantitative and qualitative methods, the contents, processes, visual images, transformations and structures of the social representations of European integration, as well as the communicative styles of the textbooks were examined. This study showed the divergent social representations of the European integration, anchored in the nation states, in the five member countries of the European Union. The social representations were constructed around different central core elements: French Europe in the French textbooks, Ambivalent Europe in the British textbooks, Influential and Unifying EU in the German textbooks, Enabling and Threatening EU in the Finnish textbooks, Sceptical EU in the Swedish textbooks and EU as a World Model in the Franco-German textbook. Some elements of the representations were shared by all countries such as peace and economic aspects of the European cooperation, whereas other elements of representations were found more frequently in some countries than in others, such as ideological, threatening or social components of the phenomenon European integration. The study also demonstrated the linkage between social representations of the EU and national and European identities. The findings of this study are applicable to the study of the European integration, to the study of education, as well as to the social representation theory.
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Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.
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A set of sufficient conditions to construct lambda-real symbol Maximum Likelihood (ML) decodable STBCs have recently been provided by Karmakar et al. STBCs satisfying these sufficient conditions were named as Clifford Unitary Weight (CUW) codes. In this paper, the maximal rate (as measured in complex symbols per channel use) of CUW codes for lambda = 2(a), a is an element of N is obtained using tools from representation theory. Two algebraic constructions of codes achieving this maximal rate are also provided. One of the constructions is obtained using linear representation of finite groups whereas the other construction is based on the concept of right module algebra over non-commutative rings. To the knowledge of the authors, this is the first paper in which matrices over non-commutative rings is used to construct STBCs. An algebraic explanation is provided for the 'ABBA' construction first proposed by Tirkkonen et al and the tensor product construction proposed by Karmakar et al. Furthermore, it is established that the 4 transmit antenna STBC originally proposed by Tirkkonen et al based on the ABBA construction is actually a single complex symbol ML decodable code if the design variables are permuted and signal sets of appropriate dimensions are chosen.
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This paper examines the impact of a regime shift on the valuation of politically powerful oligarch firms. Focusing on the Yeltsin-Putin regime shift in Russia, we find that the valuations of outside shareholders claims are significantly higher under the Putin regime than under the Yeltsin regime after controlling for industry and time effects. The findings suggest that the increasing cost of extracting private benefits outweigh the reduction in the value of political connections following the political regime change. The results are also consistent with changes in the risk of state expropriation. Our results show that effects driven by the political regime change complement the traditional view stating that increased ownership concentration improved the performance of Russian oligarch firms.
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Financing trade between economic agents located in different countries is affected by many types of risks, resulting from incomplete information about the debtor, the problems of enforcing international contracts, or the prevalence of political and financial crises. Trade is important for economic development and the availability of trade finance is essential, especially for developing countries. Relatively few studies treat the topic of political risk, particularly in the context of international lending. This thesis explores new ground to identify links between political risk and international debt defaults. The core hypothesis of the study is that the default probability of debt increases with increasing political risk in the country of the borrower. The thesis consists of three essays that support the hypothesis from different angles of the credit evaluation process. The first essay takes the point of view of an international lender assessing the credit risk of a public borrower. The second investigates creditworthiness assessment of companies. The obtained results are substantiated in the third essay that deals with an extensive political risk survey among finance professionals in developing countries. The financial instruments of core interest are export credit guaranteed debt initiated between the Export Credit Agency of Finland and buyers in 145 countries between 1975 and 2006. Default events of the foreign credit counterparts are conditioned on country-specific macroeconomic variables, corporate-specific accounting information as well as political risk indicators from various international sources. Essay 1 examines debt issued to government controlled institutions and conditions public default events on traditional macroeconomic fundamentals, in addition to selected political and institutional risk factors. Confirming previous research, the study finds country indebtedness and the GDP growth rate to be significant indicators of public default. Further, it is shown that public defaults respond to various political risk factors. However, the impact of the risk varies between countries at different stages of economic development. Essay 2 proceeds by investigating political risk factors as conveivable drivers of corporate default and uses traditional accounting variables together with new political risk indicators in the credit evaluation of private debtors. The study finds links between corporate default and leverage, as well as between corporate default and the general investment climate and measeures of conflict in the debtor country. Essay 3 concludes the thesis by offering survey evidence on the impact of political risk on debt default, as perceived and experienced by 103 finance professionals in 38 developing countries. Taken together, the results of the thesis suggest that various forms of political risk are associated with international debt defaults and continue to pose great concerns for both international creditors and borrowers in developing countries. The study provides new insights on the importance of variable selection in country risk analysis, and shows how political risk is actually perceived and experienced in the riskier, often lower income countries of the global economy.
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Hamilton’s theory of turns for the group SU(2) is exploited to develop a new geometrical representation for polarization optics. While pure polarization states are represented by points on the Poincaré sphere, linear intensity preserving optical systems are represented by great circle arcs on another sphere. Composition of systems, and their action on polarization states, are both reduced to geometrical operations. Several synthesis problems, especially in relation to the Pancharatnam-Berry-Aharonov-Anandan geometrical phase, are clarified with the new representation. The general relation between the geometrical phase, and the solid angle on the Poincaré sphere, is established.