896 resultados para plural policing


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Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan air policingia turvallisuuspoliittisena kysymyksenä Suomessa, Islannin ilmavalvontahankkeen kautta. Tavoitteena oli selvittää Islannin ilmavalvonnasta käydyn julkisen keskustelun perusteella, miten air policing näyttäytyy Suomen turvallisuuspolitiikassa. Air policingilla tarkoitetaan vieraan suvereenin valtion ilmatilan koskemattomuuden valvontaa ja turvaamista rauhan aikana. Suomen turvallisuuspolitiikassa air policing on aiemmin käyttämätön työväline. Tutkimuksessa analysoitiin Suomessa käytyä julkista keskustelua Islannin ilmavalvonnasta. Keskustelua tutkittiin puolustusvoimien lakisääteisten tehtävien ja Suomen sotilaallisen liittoutumattomuuden näkökulmista. Tarkastelujen perusteella tehtiin johtopäätöksiä air policingista Suomen turvallisuuspoliittisena kysymyksenä. Tutkimuksen aineisto koostui Islannin ilmavalvontaa käsittelevistä Helsingin Sanomien, Uuden Suomen, Kylkiraudan ja Sotilasaikakauslehden kirjoituksista, eduskunnan täysistuntojen pöytäkirjoista sekä keskeisten turvallisuuspoliittisten päättäjien lausunnoista. Tarkasteltava ajanjakso oli vuoden 2009 alusta vuoden 2012 loppuun. Tutkimusmenetelmä oli sisällönanalyysi. Islannin ilmavalvonnasta käyty julkinen keskustelu koostui lyhyestä jaksosta vuonna 2009 sekä vilkkaasta ja laaja-alaisesta keskustelusta vuonna 2012. Tärkeimpiä sisältöteemoja olivat Nato ja Suomen liittoutumattomuus sekä pohjoismainen yhteistyö. Keskustelussa muodostui vastakkainasettelu, jossa toinen mielipide kannatti ja toinen vastusti Suomen osallistumista Islannin ilmavalvontaan. Puolustusvoimien lakisääteisiä tehtäviä käsiteltiin julkisuudessa vähän. Sen sijaan Suomen sotilaallinen liittoutumattomuus oli keskustelun ytimessä. Islannin ilmavalvontahankkeen kriitikot katsoivat osallistumisen vaarantavan Suomen liittoutumattomuuden Islannin Nato-jäsenyyden vuoksi. Hankkeen kannattajat perustelivat osallistumisen olevan osan tiivistyvää pohjoismaista puolustusyhteistyötä. Suomen ylin turvallisuuspoliittinen johto on ollut valmis ottamaan käyttöön air policingin Islannin ilmavalvontahankkeen yhteydessä. Kysymys on osoittautunut poliittisesti vaikeaksi, eikä konsensusta ole saavutettu. Maaliskuussa 2013 näyttää siltä, että mahdollinen osallistuminen Islannin ilmavalvontaan toteutuu harjoitusmuotoisena, jolloin siinä ei ole kyse varsinaisesta air policingista.

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A proposta deste artigo é colocar em perspectiva crítica a última recessão realizada sobre a antropologia da religião brasileira publicada na coletânea Horizontes das Ciências Sociais no Brasil (Martins e Duarte 2010). Um dos pontos principais que abrimos para o debate neste artigo é o efeito uniformizador do campo de pesquisa que a recessão em tela promove, tornando invisível a produção norte-nordestina e por consequência, e mais fundamentalmente, a própria área de pesquisa. Nesta oportunidade, mudamos o eixo da análise e invertermos o mapa, olhando para o nosso campo de atuação acadêmico a partir da região Norte e Nordeste, identificamos algumas "agendas locais" que na realidade dialogam intensamente e compõem contemporaneamente as agendas nacional e internacional.

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Este texto é a primeira parte do terceiro capítulo de minha tese de doutoramento - MÁRIO DE ANDRADE, PLURAL (Faculdade de Filosofia, Letras e Ciências Humanas - Universidade de São Paulo). Aí, tenta-se a produção de um biografema à maneira de Roland Barthes, de quem é a epígrafe do capítulo. O biografema é uma livre-produção textual na medida em que não deriva de significado (como a biografia), mas, enfatizando imagens, cenas, gestos, fragmentos textuais, pulsões, opera significancias. O biografema não dispensa a biografia - usa-a, desmembra-a, desgasta-a. Disseminação, o biografema não hesita em lançar mão de todos os operadores de linguagem à disposição. Se a biografia opera com dados, instituindo a verossimilhança no biografado, o biografema retém o arbitrário na produção do ser-de-tinta que imprime no papel.

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Pakistan had a plural society per excellence. Its people were divided geographically between two separate regions, spoke different languages, had different cultures and economic structures. Like other plural societies elsewhere, Pakistan also faced the problem of national integration. Cleavages along the lines of traditional attachments are fundamental to any plural society, as they were in Pakistan. But their political manifestation could have been kept within managable limits if the Central Government, overwhelmingly composed of the West Pakistanis, was seriously committed to the task. All that Pakistan needed to maintain her integrated existence was deliberate, calculated and conscious efforts on the part of the Central Government to give the Bengalis, the majority linguistic and geographic group in the country, a partnership in the state of Pakistan, an effective power in the decision-making process of the country, a reasonable share from the economic resources of the country, and to show respect to their hopes and aspirations. In addition, Pakistan needed a national platform to bring her divergent linguistic and geographic groups toge~her for some common, national purpos~s. Political parties were the only institutions which could have served this purpose. Pakistan miserably failed to sustain national political parties and failed to satisfy Bengalis' demands. This failure eventually resulted in the falling apart of the political system of Pakistan in 1971.

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Legal provisions in the US have extended the idea of the border to the inside of US territory. Border Patrol Agents confront people in different spaces to inquire about their status. I examine border policing along the northern border of the United States through textual and discourse analysis. This thesis asks: How do border agents exercise power and control the movement of people within 100 miles of the border? In whose interest is the border, the “nation,” secured? The spaces in which these mobile borders are practiced become the sites where “citizens” and “aliens” are produced, reproduced and contested. These border policing practices create the illusion of a “nation” that is secured for “our” interests. However, the interests of these vulnerable groups are not reflected in the immigration policy and along the “border. Therefore the very existence of immigrants and their basic right to be in the US is undermined.

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Dossier : Should Polygamy be Recognized in Canada ? Ethical and Legal Considerations

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This study addresses the effectivity of the Anti-Bias approach and training methodology as a pedagogical political strategy to challenge oppression among student groups in the cities of Bombay and Berlin. The Anti-Bias trainings conducted within the framework of this study also become the medium through which the perpetuation of oppressive structures by students within and outside the school is investigated. Empirical data from predominantly qualitative investigations in four secondary schools, two each in Bombay and Berlin, is studied and analysed on the basis of theoretical understandings of prejudice, discrimination and identity. This study builds on insights offered by previous research on prejudices and evaluations of anti-bias and diversity interventions, where the lack of sufficient research and thorough evaluations testing impact has been identified (Levy Paluck, 2006). The theoretical framework suggests that prejudices and discriminatory practices are learnt and performed by individuals over the years by way of pre-existing discourses, and that behaviour and practices can be unlearnt through a multi-step process. It proposes that the discursive practices of students contribute to the constitution of their viable selves and in the constitution of ‘others’. Drawing on this framework, the study demonstrates how student-subjects in Bombay and Berlin perpetuate oppressive discourses by performing their identities and performing identities onto ‘others’. Such performative constitution opens up the agency of the individual, disclosing the shifting and dynamic nature of identities. The Anti-Bias approach is posited as an alternative to oppressive discourses and a vehicle that encourages and assists the agency of individuals. The theoretical framework, which brings together a psychological approach to prejudice, a structural approach to discrimination and a poststructural approach to identity, facilitates the analysis of the perpetuation of dominant discourses by the students, as well as how they negotiate their way through familiar norms and discourses. Group discussions and interviews a year after the respective trainings serve to evaluate the agency of the students and the extent to which the training impacted on their perceptions, attitudes and behavioural practices. The study reveals the recurrence of the themes race, religion, gender and sexuality in the representational practices of the students groups in Berlin and Bombay. It demonstrates how students in this study not only perform, but also negotiate and resist oppressive structures. Of particular importance is the role of the school: When schools offer no spaces for discussion, debate and action on contemporary social issues, learning can neither be put into practice nor take on a positive, transformative form. In such cases, agency and resistance is limited and interventionist actions yield little. This study reports the potential of the Anti-Bias approach and training as a tool of political education and action in education. It demonstrates that a single training can initiate change but sustaining change requires long-term strategies and on-going actions. Taking a poststructural perspective, it makes concrete suggestions to adapt and alter the Anti-Bias approach and the implementation of Anti-Bias trainings.

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Crònica amb valoració personal d'un fet que va generar un fort dèbat social entorn al cas de tres nenes magrebines que varen deixar d'anar a escola

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La reproducción y distribución de este vídeo en Canarias ha sido llevada a cabo por el Programa de Medios Audiovisuales de la Dirección General de Promoción Educativa del Gobierno de Canarias. La duración de la cinta de vídeo es de treinta minutos

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Resumen tomado de la publicación en catalán. Este artículo forma parte del monográfico 'Aprendre llengua en una societat multilingüe'