289 resultados para Whites


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Importance Active video games may offer an effective strategy to increase physical activity in overweight and obese children. However, the specific effects of active gaming when delivered within the context of a pediatric weight management program are unknown. Objective To evaluate the effects of active video gaming on physical activity and weight loss in children participating in an evidence-based weight management program delivered in the community. Design, Setting, and Participants Group-randomized clinical trial conducted during a 16-week period in YMCAs and schools located in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Texas. Seventy-five overweight or obese children (41 girls [55%], 34 whites [45%], 20 Hispanics [27%], and 17 blacks [23%]) enrolled in a community-based pediatric weight management program. Mean (SD) age of the participants was 10.0 (1.7) years; body mass index (BMI) z score, 2.15 (0.40); and percentage overweight from the median BMI for age and sex, 64.3% (19.9%). Interventions All participants received a comprehensive family-based pediatric weight management program (JOIN for ME). Participants in the program and active gaming group received hardware consisting of a game console and motion capture device and 1 active game at their second treatment session and a second game in week 9 of the program. Participants in the program-only group were given the hardware and 2 games at the completion of the 16-week program. Main Outcomes and Measures Objectively measured daily moderate-to-vigorous and vigorous physical activity, percentage overweight, and BMI z score. Results Participants in the program and active gaming group exhibited significant increases in moderate-to-vigorous (mean [SD], 7.4 [2.7] min/d) and vigorous (2.8 [0.9] min/d) physical activity at week 16 (P < .05). In the program-only group, a decline or no change was observed in the moderate-to-vigorous (mean [SD] net difference, 8.0 [3.8] min/d; P = .04) and vigorous (3.1 [1.3] min/d; P = .02) physical activity. Participants in both groups exhibited significant reductions in percentage overweight and BMI z scores at week 16. However, the program and active gaming group exhibited significantly greater reductions in percentage overweight (mean [SD], −10.9% [1.6%] vs −5.5% [1.5%]; P = .02) and BMI z score (−0.25 [0.03] vs −0.11 [0.03]; P < .001). Conclusions and Relevance Incorporating active video gaming into an evidence-based pediatric weight management program has positive effects on physical activity and relative weight.

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Purpose To evaluate the relative utility of the Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) and the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB) in explaining intentions and physical activity behavior in white and African-American eighth-grade girls. Methods One-thousand-thirty white and 1114 African-American eighth-grade girls (mean age 13.6 ± 0.7 years) from 31 middle schools in South Carolina completed a 3-day physical activity recall and a questionnaire assessing attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, self-efficacy, and intentions related to regular participation in moderate-to-vigorous physical activity (MVPA). Results Among Whites, 17% of the variance in intentions was contributed by subjective norms and attitude, with intentions accounting for 8% of the variance in MVPA. The addition of perceived behavioral control and self-efficacy to the TRA significantly improved the prediction of intentions and MVPA accounting for 40% and 10% of the variance, respectively. Among African-Americans, subjective norms and attitude accounted for 13% of the variance in intentions, with intentions accounting for only 3% of the variance in MVPA. The addition of perceived behavioral control and self-efficacy to the TRA significantly improved the prediction of intentions and MVPA accounting for 28% and 5% of the variance, respectively. Conclusions The results provided limited empirical support for the TPB among white adolescent girls; however, our findings suggest that the planned behavior framework has limited utility among African-American adolescent girls. The relatively weak link between intentions and MVPA observed in both population groups suggest that constructs external to the TPB may be more important mediators of physical activity behavior in adolescent girls.

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Objective: To examine the effects of personal and community characteristics, specifically race and rurality, on lengths of state psychiatric hospital and community stays using maximum likelihood survival analysis with a special emphasis on change over a ten year period of time. Data Sources: We used the administrative data of the Virginia Department of Mental Health, Mental Retardation, and Substance Abuse Services (DMHMRSAS) from 1982-1991 and the Area Resources File (ARF). Given these two sources, we constructed a history file for each individual who entered the state psychiatric system over the ten year period. Histories included demographic, treatment, and community characteristics. Study Design: We used a longitudinal, population-based design with maximum likelihood estimation of survival models. We presented a random effects model with unobserved heterogeneity that was independent of observed covariates. The key dependent variables were lengths of inpatient stay and subsequent length of community stay. Explanatory variables measured personal, diagnostic, and community characteristics, as well as controls for calendar time. Data Collection: This study used secondary, administrative, and health planning data. Principal Findings: African-American clients leave the community more quickly than whites. After controlling for other characteristics, however, race does not affect hospital length of stay. Rurality does not affect length of community stays once other personal and community characteristics are controlled for. However, people from rural areas have longer hospital stays even after controlling for personal and community characteristics. The effects of time are significantly smaller than expected. Diagnostic composition effects and a decrease in the rate of first inpatient admissions explain part of this reduced impact of time. We also find strong evidence for the existence of unobserved heterogeneity in both types of stays and adjust for this in our final models. Conclusions: Our results show that information on client characteristics available from inpatient stay records is useful in predicting not only the length of inpatient stay but also the length of the subsequent community stay. This information can be used to target increased discharge planning for those at risk of more rapid readmission to inpatient care. Correlation across observed and unobserved factors affecting length of stay has significant effects on the measurement of relationships between individual factors and lengths of stay. Thus, it is important to control for both observed and unobserved factors in estimation.

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Latinos report less leisure time physical activity (PA) than non–Latino Whites and suffer disproportionately from diseases related to sedentary lifestyle, yet remain underserved and understudied. Gaining a better understanding of PA behavior in Latinos is critical to intervene on this significant public health issue. This article discusses the growing literature on the facilitators and barriers of PA in Latino men and women and reviews recent interventions to promote activity. Apart from acculturation influences, facilitators of PA in Latinos are similar to those of non–Latino Whites, with most research focusing on self-efficacy and social support. Barriers for Latinas, however, are more culturally distinct, such as a focus on caregiving and cultural standards for body shape. Barriers unique to Latino men largely have not been studied. Researchers have adopted a variety of approaches to increase PA, including using promotores and incorporating culturally appropriate activities, and have had mixed success. However, the community and randomized controlled trials almost exclusively included only women. Studies reviewed here suggest that interventions should target culturally specific barriers beyond language to successfully increase PA in Latinos and highlight a need for formative research and design of interventions for Latino men.

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The purpose of this research is to extend an understanding of how Black and White South African consumers' causal attributions for major household appliance performance failures impact on their anger and subsequent complaint behaviour. A survey was administered to Black and White South African consumers who were dissatisfied with the performance of a major household appliance item. Respondents resided in a major metropolitan area. The findings showed that, compared to Whites, the Black South Africans felt a low but significantly higher external locus of causality and lower control, and experienced a higher level of anger regarding product failure. The level of anger determined the decision to take complaint action, but racial group determined the type of action taken. Blacks complained more actively to retailers and engaged more in private complaint action than Whites. These findings may show that Black South Africans are developing a more individualistic orientation as consumers. Therefore, researchers should consider the effect of cultural swapping when researching consumer behaviour in multi-cultural countries. Implications for retailers in terms of complaint handling are indicated.

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Civil War Hero Burials the funerals of the fallen White in Finland in 1918 This study focuses on the burial with honours of fallen White combatants during the Finnish Civil War of 1918, as well as on the reasons underpinning the practice. The main sources of the study included the archives of the White army, the Civil Guard organisation and the Church, as well as the newspapers. The genetic method of history research was used. Both the existing tradition of military burials and the ecclesiastical burial culture influenced the burials of those who fell during the Civil War. The first war hero funerals took place as early as the beginning of February 1918, and the first larger-scale collective funerals were organised in Laihia and Vaasa in the Ostrobothnia province, with the latter attended by the supreme civil and military leaders of White Finland. From early on, these funerals assumed their characteristic features, such as the lion flag a design for the Finnish national flag proposed immediately upon the declaration of the country s independence military parades, lines of honour guards, eulogies, salutes and common war hero graves. As a result of the general offensive begun in mid-March 1918, the numbers of the fallen multiplied, so special organisations were established to handle the burials of the fallen. At the same time, the war hero funerals became more frequent and diffused, and the numbers of the buried grew throughout the country. In early March, the advocates of the republican system of government published their appeal in the newspapers, requesting that collective graves for those who fell in the war prepared in every locality. They motivated their request by stating that it was the funerals in particular that had inspired many men to join the ranks voluntarily in the first place, and that the large collective soldiers graves increased the numbers of those who answered the call and left for the front. The Civil Guard organisation arranged the burials of war heroes. The clergy contributed by officiating the religious service and by clearly aligning themselves with the Whites in their eulogies. The teachings of the Lutheran Church suggest that they found the Whites to be the temporal authority instituted by God, and therefore authorised raising the sword against the Reds. Speaking at the funerals with great pomp and sentimental power, the leaders of the Civil Guard and the exponents of the learned classes instigated their audiences against the Reds. The funeral speeches idealised the war hero s death by recalling military history since the times of ancient Greece. Being of the emblematic colour of the Whites, the white coffin assumed a particular importance connected to ideas of biblical purity and innocence. By the end of May 1918, almost 3,300 Whites were buried in the soldiers graves prepared by the burial organisation in some 400 localities. Only about 200 men remained missing in action or unidentified. The largest common graves accommodated over 60 fallen combatants. Thus, the traditions of the 1918 Civil War directly influenced war hero burial practices, which continued into the Finnish Winter War of 1939.

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Memory Meanders is an ethnographic analysis of a postcolonial migrant community, white former Rhodesians, who have emigrated from Zimbabwe to South Africa after Zimbabwe s independence in 1980. An estimated 100 000 whites left the country during the first years of independence. Majority of these emigrants settled in South Africa. In recent years President Mugabe s land redistribution program has inflicted forced expulsions and violence against white farmers and black farm workers, and instigated a new wave of emigration. Concerning the study of Southern Africa, my research is therefore very topical. In recent years there has been a growing concern to study postcolonialism as it unfolds in the lived realities of actual postcolonies. A rising interest has also been cast on colonial cultures and white colonials within complex power relationships. My research offers insight to these discussions by investigating the ways in which the colonial past affects and effects in the present activities and ideas of former colonials. The study also takes part in discussing fundamental questions concerning how diaspora communities socially construct their place in the world in relation to the place left behind, to their current places of dwelling and to the community in dispersal. In spite of Rhodesia s incontestable ending, it is held close by social practices; by thoughts and talks, by material displays, and by webs of meaningful relationships. Such social memory practices, I suggest, are fundamental to how the community understands itself. The vantage points from which I examine how the ex-Rhodesians reminisce about Rhodesia concern ideas and practices related to place, home and commemoration. I first focus on the processes of symbolic investment that go into understanding place and landscape in Rhodesia and ask how the once dwelled-in places, iconic landscapes and experiences within places are reminisced about in diaspora. Secondly, I examine how home both as a mundanely organized sphere of everyday lives and as an idea of belonging is culturally configured, and analyze how and if homes travel in diaspora. In the final ethnographic section I focus on commemorative practices. I first analyze how food and culturally specific festive occasions of commensality are connected to social and sensual memory, considering the unique ways in which food acts as a mnemonic trigger in a diaspora community. The second example concerns the celebration of a centenary of Rhodesia in 1990. Through this case I describe how the mnemonic power of commemoration rests on the fact that culturally meaningful experiences are bodily re-enacted. I show how habitual memory connected to performance is one example of how memory gets passed-on in non-textual ways.

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Soon after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, a three-year civil war broke out in Russia. As in many other civil wars, foreign powers intervened in the conflict. Britain played a leading role in this intervention and had a significant effect on the course of the war. Without this intervention on the White side, the superiority of numbers in manpower and weaponry of the Bolsheviks would have quickly overwhelmed their opponents. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the nature and role of the British intervention on the southern, and most decisive, front of the Civil War. The political decision making in London is studied as a background, but the focus of the dissertation is on the actual implementation of the British policy in Russia. The British military mission arrived in South Russia in late 1918, and started to provide General Denikin s White army with ample supplies. General Denikin would have not been able to build his army of more than 200,000 men or to make his operation against Moscow without the British matériel. The British mission also organized the training and equipping of the Russian troops with British weapons. This made the material aid much more effective. Many of the British instructors took part in fighting the Bolsheviks despite the orders of their government. The study is based on primary sources produced by British departments of state and members of the British mission and military units in South Russia. Primary sources from the Whites, including the personal collections of several key figures of the White movement and official records of the Armed Forces of South Russia are also used to give a balanced picture of the course of events. It is possible to draw some general conclusions from the White movement and reasons for their defeat from the study of the British intervention. In purely material terms the British aid placed Denikin s army in a far more favourable position than the Bolsheviks in 1919, but other military defects in the White army were numerous. The White commanders were unimaginative, their military thinking was obsolete, and they were incapable of organizing the logistics of their army. There were also fundamental defects in the morale of the White troops. In addition to all political mistakes of Denikin s movement and a general inability to adjust to the complex situation in Revolutionary Russia, the Whites suffered a clear military defeat. In South Russia the Whites were defeated not because of the lack of British aid, but rather in spite of it.

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A method has been developed for the computation of multicomponent multiphase equilibrium. This method is essentially a modification of White’s element potentials method. It has been found that if the search for equilibrium is confined to a physically significant zone, a solution of the equilibrium problem can be obtained even with a poor initial guess.

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For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

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Dar nitidez aos sentimentos e razões que emergem das experiências dos vestibulandos de Vitória-ES, entre 2009-2010, e que os movem em direção a seus projetos profissionais é objetivo deste trabalho. A noção de projeto aqui utilizada (VELHO, 1999) afasta-se da clássica compreensão liberal do ser humano, autônomo, livre e único, responsável por seus sucessos e fracassos, subjacente a estudos sobre escolha profissional. A ideia proposta é que campo de experiências dos sujeitos marca seus projetos profissionais, mas que suas condutas deliberadas, não necessariamente racionais, expõem certas expectativas de vida, quaisquer que sejam as posições sociais desses sujeitos. Para o exame dessas expectativas, esses sujeitos foram vistos em suas relações sociais - nas interseções de classes, gênero, de cor da pele, de gerações, etc. Reconheceu-se, ainda, que razões e sentimentos (WILLIAMS, 1969), também forjam projetos profissionais de sujeitos sob diversas condições sociais e apesar delas. Por considerar que esses projetos portam manifestações humanas, nem sempre perceptíveis e tantas vezes encobertas, a metáfora do rizoma (DELEUZE; GUATTARI, 2004), foi de utilidade metodológica. Alguns indícios (GINZBURG, 2007), sugeriram caminhos de pesquisa e alguns dos significados aos sujeitos para que esses projetos pudessem ser detectados. A perspectiva da longa duração histórica e dos tempos múltiplos presidiu o exame de trajetórias selecionadas de um conjunto de sujeitos pesquisados entre os anos 2009-2010, o que favoreceu a percepção de continuidades históricas, mas também a ocorrência de mudanças de certas tendências sociais. Dois cursos de pré-vestibular, um público e um privado, em Vitória, ES, nessa conjuntura, mostraram um pouco da pluralidade de expectativas de diferentes jovens - pobres, de classes média e alta, homens e mulheres, brancos, negros e pardos, mais novos e mais velhos em relação ao ensino superior presente em seus projetos profissionais. Razões e sentimentos que os movem e que se movem, nem sempre examinados em estudos sobre a matéria, foram expostos. Contribuições de Elias (1990), de R. Williams (1969), de Bourdieu (2003, 2009), de E. P. Thompson (2002), de Löwy (1990), entre outros, apoiaram evidências de que as relações indivíduo e sociedade, sempre plurais e complexas, expressam apenas partes de seus sentidos civilizadores. Para reduzir incertezas, recorreu-se a dados macrossociais e microssociais (REVEL, 1998). Entrevistas com tais jovens e coordenadores de seus cursos, observações advindas de dinâmica de grupo e, também, exame de publicações oficiais, de periódicos de divulgação de matéria sobre vestibular, entre 2009-2010, situaram um trato de escalas analíticas de difícil exercício. Para além das relações de classes, gênero, cor da pele, geração etc., pode-se concluir que esses sujeitos, por razões e sentimentos variados, com seus projetos profissionais, tanto se deslocam de suas posições sociais de origem como as mantêm, mas todos, em suas novas experiências e de diferentes modos, também se preparam para atuar sobre os sentidos civilizadores de seu tempo.

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Nesta tese analisamos os discursos e as práticas dos grupos e pessoas que compõem o movimento negro no processo de construção de uma identidade social no Brasil contemporâneo. O movimento negro brasileiro, a exemplo do que acontece com outros movimentos sociais gerados na modernidade ocidental, instrumentaliza um constructo de identidade social específica dentro do espaço público como forma de pleitear reparações pelos danos causados pela escravidão e ações de inclusão da população afrodescendente na sociedade como cidadãos com direitos iguais. Além de fontes bibliográficas, nossa metodologia se baseou na realização de entrevistas com militantes, participação em reuniões e eventos, análise de comentários postados em comunidades virtuais, de depoimentos de histórias de vida, bem como de publicações diversas associadas ao movimento negro. A análise das narrativas e práticas do movimento negro nos remeteu à pesquisa acerca da historiografia e das teorias sobre a escravidão no Brasil, sobre a inserção do negro na sociedade brasileira e, especialmente, sobre os elementos de formação identitária do militante negro. Concluímos indicando o caráter contraditório dos processos de formação identitária e das demandas políticas do movimento negro que se mobiliza a favor da igualdade de todos os cidadãos brasileiros sem discriminação racial, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, divide a população entre negros (nós, oprimidos, portanto aptos a receberem reparações) e brancos (eles, privilegiados), gerando parâmetros de inclusão de cunho racial contra os quais a luta contra o racismo historicamente se opôs. Se por um lado, o movimento negro coloca em cena a discussão sobre o preconceito racial no Brasil, tema fundamental para mudar a situação socioeconômica desfavorável da população negra, por outro lado, o radicalismo de suas ações afasta aqueles que não sejam totalmente favoráveis à sua visão de luta contra o racismo e a exclusão social. Os debates atuais opõem as lideranças e os simpatizantes do movimento negro favoráveis a políticas de inserção social pautadas por parâmetros raciais e aqueles que alertam para o perigo de leis raciais em um país miscigenado, defendendo que as políticas de inclusão devem ser edificadas por parâmetros socioeconômicos.

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Citocinas são moléculas que controlam e modulam a atividade de numerosas células por se ligarem a seus receptores específicos. As diferenças observadas na produção de citocinas entre indivíduos podem ser, pelo menos em parte, explicadas pelos polimorfismos genéticos como o polimorfismo de um único nucleotídeo (SNP). Em 181 indivíduos saudáveis não-aparentados da cidade do Rio de Janeiro (região Sudeste - Brasil), nós analisamos os polimorfismos de citocinas em genes que codificam para Fator de Necrose Tumoral-alfa (TNF-a), Fator de Crescimento Transformante-beta (TGF-b), Interleucina-10, Interleucina-6 e Interferon-gama (IFN-g). Reação em cadeia da polimerase utilizando-se iniciadores sequencia-específicos foi realizada com auxílio do kit comercial CytGen (One Lambda Inc. Canoga Park, CA, USA). Ao todo, 8 polimorfismos foram analisados: TNF-a (-308G/A); TGF-b (códon 10C/T, códon 25C/G); IL-10 (-1082A/G, -819T/C, -592A/C); IL-6 (-174C/G) e IFN-g (+874T/A). Os dados observados foram comparados a três grupos de população de diferentes regiões do Brasil (São Paulo, Paraná e Bahia) e a três populações de outros continentes (Itália, Eslováquia e Negros Norte-Americanos). O teste qui-quadrado foi utilizado para as comparações. Nossa análise da população do Rio de Janeiro mostrou que os as freqüências alélicas em IL-10, IL-6 e IFN-g são desigualmente distribuídos entre Brancos, Mulatos e Negros (p<0,05). A comparação com populações de outras regiões do Brasil revelou que Rio de Janeiro e Bahia possuem freqüências alélicas e genotípicas de TGF-b (códon 25) estatisticamente diferentes (p=0,004 e p=0,002, respectivamente). Ainda, a freqüência alélica na população do Rio de Janeiro é significativamente diferente quando comparada à população da Itália [IL-6 (-174), p=0,0092; e IFN-g (+874) p=0,0418)]; Eslováquia [IL-10(-1082), p=0,006; IL-6(-174), p=0,0002; e IFN-g(+874), p=0,0335]; e Afro-Americanos [IL-10(-819), p=0,0446; IL-6(-174), p<0,0001; e IFN-g(+874), p<0,0001]. Adicionalmente, observamos que a diferença na distribuição dos haplótipos em IL-10 (-1082/-819/-592) na população do Rio de Janeiro em comparação com a da Itália (p=0,0293) e Afro-Americanos (p=0,0025) é significativa. Portanto, concluímos que os polimorfismos em IL-10, IL-6 e IFN-g estão distribuídos de acordo com a etnia na população do Rio de Janeiro. A população do Rio de Janeiro possui freqüências de polimorfismos diferentes das populações de Bahia, Itália, Eslováquia e Afro-Americanos, mas semelhantes à população de São Paulo/Paraná. Nossas observações poderão ser úteis para futuros estudos e associação entre polimorfismos genéticos de citocinas e doenças na população do Rio de Janeiro.

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Até meados da década de 1970 buscou-se decifrar o lugar social ocupado pelo pardo na sociedade brasileira. Contudo, os estudos mais recentes se caracterizaram, com algumas exceções, pelo silenciamento em torno das especificidades desse grupo. Pretos e pardos têm sido agrupados em uma mesma categoria para fins de análise de desigualdades e discriminação racial. No entanto, se os pardos estão extremamente próximos dos pretos no que toca os seus índices socioeconômicos, chances de mobilidade social e vitimização pela discriminação, eles estão muito distantes dos pretos em sua percepção do preconceito e da discriminação de que são vítimas. Para esse grupo, o nexo entre a cor e a discriminação não parece nem um pouco evidente. A presente tese retoma os pardos como tema de reflexão e investiga as razões pelas quais eles parecem ser discriminados em intensidade próxima à dos pretos, mas não reportam a discriminação no mesmo grau. A partir da produção de análises originais de dados quantitativos e surveys sobre racismo, encontro respaldo para algumas explicações não mutuamente excludentes para esse fenômeno: (1) o binarismo das linguagens racista e antirracista no Brasil, que exclui os pardos do debate público, (2) os problemas metodológicos dos surveys sobre discriminação racial, (3) a presença ideário da morenidade na identidade e autoimagem dos brasileiros pardos, (4) as peculiaridades da sociabilidade entre pretos, pardos e brancos, (5) o caráter ambivalente dos estereótipos que incidem sobre os pardos e, finalmente, (6) uma porosidade maior das elites brancas em relação a esses indivíduos. A partir da elaboração de um modelo alternativo de mensuração da percepção da discriminação, baseado na Escala de Discriminação Cotidiana, demonstro que pretos e pardos de classes mais baixas têm percepções mais parecidas de atitudes discriminatórias, enquanto aqueles que atingem as classes médias e elites passam a divergir: os pretos passam a reportar mais intensamente a discriminação, enquanto os pardos praticamente cessam de senti-la. Sustento que o racismo ambivalente brasileiro funciona de modo a barrar a mobilidade social tanto de pretos como de pardos, mas que os estereótipos e atitudes a que ele está relacionado penalizam mais severamente os pretos que ascendem socialmente do que os pardos.