‘Neptune’ between ‘Hesperus’ and ‘Vulcan’: On descriptive names and non-existence

[EN]This work will focus on some aspects of descriptive names. The New Theory of Reference, in line with Kripke, takes descriptive names to be proper names. I will argue in this paper that descriptive names and certain theory in reference to them, even when it disagrees with the New Theory of Reference, can shed light on our understanding of (some) non-existence statements. I define the concept of descriptive name for hypothesised object (DNHO). My thesis being that DNHOs are, as I will specify, descriptions: a proposition expressed by the utterance ‘n is F’, where ‘n’ is a DNHO, is not singular at all; it is a descriptive proposition. To sum up, concerning proper names, the truth lies closer to the New Theory of Reference, but descriptivism is not altogether false. As for DNHOs descriptivism is, in some cases, the right fit.

Observaciones sobre la fórmula "in hono. Argael." en un epígrafe de Cacabelos, León (CIL II 5672)

Ejemplar dedicado a: Serta Palaeohispanica in honorem Javier de Hoz

Dictionary of Continental Celtic Place-Names: A Celtic Companion to the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World

Falileyev, Alexander, in collaboration with Ashwin E. Gohil and Naomi Ward, Dictionary of Continental Celtic Place-Names: A Celtic Companion to the Barrington Atlas of the Greek and Roman World (CMCS Publications: Aberystwyth, 2010) Editor: Falileyev, Alexander in collaboration with Ashwin E. Gohil and Naomi Ward

The geography of Celtic personal names in the Latin inscriptions of the Roman Empire

Raybould, Marilynne, and Sims-Williams, Patrick, The geography of Celtic personal names in the Latin inscriptions of the Roman Empire (Aberystwyth: CMCS publications, 2007) RAE2008

A Corpus of Latin Inscriptions of the Roman Empire containing Celtic personal names

Raybould, M. and Sims-Williams, P. (2007). A Corpus of Latin Inscriptions of the Roman Empire containing Celtic personal names. Aberystwyth: CMCS publications. RAE2008

Land Use and Military Supply in the Highland Zone of Roman Britain

Davies, Jeffrey. 'Land Use and Military Supply in the Highland Zone of Roman Britain', In: Artefacts and Archaeology. Aspects of the Celtic and Roman World (University of Wales Press, 2002), pp.44-61 RAE2008

Soldiers, Peasants, Industry and Towns. The Roman Army in Britain: A Welsh Perspective

Davies, Jeffrey. 'Soldiers, Peasants, Industry and Towns. The Roman Army in Britain: A Welsh Perspective', In: The Roman Army and the Economy (Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, 2002), pp.169-203 RAE2008

Roman Schulz. Studia z innowatyki pedagogicznej, Wyd. Uniwersytetu M. Kopernika w Toruniu, Toruń 1996.

Recenzje i sprawozdania z książek

Luctus est istic tuus,/ crimen novercae. Boskie i ludzkie szaleństwo Heraklesa na podstawie tragedii Eurypidesa i Seneki

One of the main, initial thesis of the article is that in the tragedies `Hρακλής μαινόμενος by Euripides and Hercules Furens by Seneca the main character falls into the madness twice. The first madness is sent by Hera/ Juno and is here defined, because of its origin, as a divine madness. The second one is so called human madness and Heracles/ Hercules is most probably overcome by it, after he has recognised, that he, driven by the involuntary fury, killed his own wife and sons. This state of the psyche of the hero is already independent from the deity and originates in such deeply human feelings like despair, anger, pain, shame. The strongly stirred hero plans to commit a suicide. According to the contemporary psychology this situation can be, because of some reasons analysed in the article, recognised as a symptom of irrationality. In the drama by Seneca Amfithryon, the father of the hero also defines the state of Hercules, who has become aware of the truth about his deeds, outright as furor. There is in the drama by Euripides, however, no reference to this second madness, which is connected with the somewhat different mentality that the drama originated in (the still kept in memory Homeric ethos and the attitudes towards the issues of honour, suicide etc. determined by it). Seneca as a stoic noticed and emphasized – although he generally also accepted the suicide – that Hercules, because of the anger, acts irrationally and, as a result, is in fact mentally unable to decide about his life and death. In the article is also presented in what an interesting way the above mentioned differences in the mentality of Euripides and Seneca manifest themselves in the case of the divine madness (among other things, the difference between Greek Lyssa and Roman Furor).

The parish priest on duty : a practical manual for pastors, curates, and theological students preparing for the mission : being a brief summary of the prescribed manner of administering the sacraments, the service of the dead, and sundry other pastoral functions in accordance with the Roman Ritual (The Sacraments) / by H.J. Heuser.

http://www.archive.org/details/theparishpriesto00heusuoft

Peace and Peacemaking in Paul Against the Backdrop of Greco-Roman Conceptions of Peace

Peace in the ancient world has been studied primarily from the perspective of pacifism and questions related to war and peace. This study employs a socio-historical method to determine how peace was understood in itself, not just with respect to war. It demonstrates that the Greco-Roman world viewed peace as brief periods of tranquility in an existence where conflict was the norm, while Paul regarded peace as the norm and conflict as an intrusive aberration. Through a historical and literary survey of Greco-Roman thought and culture, this study shows that myth, legend, religion, education, philosophy, and science created and perpetuated the idea that conflict was necessary for existence. Wars were fought to attain peace, which meant periods of calm, quiet, and security with respect to the gods, one's inner self, nature, others who are insiders, and others who are outsiders. Despite the desirability of peace, genuine peace was seldom experienced, and even then, only briefly, as underlying enmity persisted without resolution. While Paul supports the prevailing conception of peace as tranquility and felicity in relation to God, self, nature, and others, he differs as to the origin, attainment, and maintenance of peace. In Paul, peace originates in God and is graciously given to those who are justified and reconciled to God through Jesus Christ. God removes the enmity caused by sin and provides the indwelling Spirit to empower believers to think and behave in ways that promote and maintain peace. This study also examines how three social dynamics (honor-shame, patron-client, friendship-enmity) affect Paul's approach to conflict resolution with Philemon and Onesimus, Euodia and Syntyche, believers who are prosecuting one another in civil courts, and Peter. Rather than giving specific procedures for resolving conflict, Paul reinforces the believer's new identity in Christ and the implications of God's grace, love, and peace upon their thoughts, words, and behavior toward one another. Paul uses these three social dynamics to encourage believers in the right direction, but their ultimate accountability is to God. The study concludes with four strategic principles for educating the church and developing an atmosphere and attitude within the church for peacemaking.

The contribution of warlordism to the disintegration of the western Roman army (c. AD 395-480)

My thesis investigates the dynamics behind the changing nature of the leadership of the western Roman army in the fifth century through the concept of ‘warlordism’. I carried this out by analyzing those cases of insubordination and military unrest in the officer class of the western Roman army, which can be shown to be linked to the slow decline of central authority and the imperial office in the period 395-480. My thesis demonstrates that theories of ‘Warlordism’, as developed in social sciences, can be useful for both the late Imperial west as for other eras of ancient history, such as the late Roman republic. Warlordism was a way of continuing politics, if necessary by military means, when commanders found themselves outside the legitimate framework. Unlike the case of usurpation of the imperial office, when there was little hope of achieving permanent recognition and acceptance, it offered insubordinate officers a chance of returning to the ruling imperial regime depending on circumstances and the success of their resistance. I propose that warlordism functioned as an alternative to usurpation, a tool for military dissidence, fuelled by an economy of violence. Contrary to modern warlordism, the warlordism of the fifth century AD represented a transient phase which no imperial commander was willing to prolong indefinitely. At some stage, given the means, warlords in the western Roman army wanted to become part of the imperial echelon again. Yet these alternative methods of violent opposition, and the acquisition of force through private means, ensured the breakdown of the state’s monopoly on violence and the disintegration of centralized armies. What started as an accidental revolution became a new form of military rule.

Le Roman de la Rose de Gui de Mori

info:eu-repo/semantics/published